David E. Graves<\/b><\/p>\n
Role of the Imperial Cult<\/b><\/p>\n
The worship of the Emperor was an important part of Smyrna\u2019s culture from early in Rome\u2019s rise to power. Kistemaker writes that in order to make the spirit of Rome concrete throughout the empire, <\/p>\n
Romans presented the emperor as its embodiment, and thus worship of the emperor arose. Although some of the first emperors disparaged this worship, the population energized it to the point that the emperor was considered to be divine (2001: 121; cf. Barclay 1957: 32; Blaiklock 1983: 5.462).<\/p>\n
The origin of the goddess Roma cultus<\/i> can be traced in the Greek world to the city of Smyrna, modern Izmir, Turkey, because of her need to invent and maintain a relationship with Rome (Potter 1992: 6.74; Mellor 1975: 14\u201315). In 195 BC, while Antiochus III (223\u2013187 BC) was at the height of his power, Smyrna was the first Ionian city to establish a templum urbis Romae<\/i> (Latin \u201ctemple to Roma,\u201d Tacitus 1989: 4.37-8; Ramsay 1979: 253\u201354; Barclay 1957: 30\u201331; Yamauchi 1980: 57\u201358; Kistemaker 2001: 121; Grant 1963: 927),2 the center of the imperial cult. Mellor points out that <\/p>\n
after more than two centuries, the temple of Roma at Smyrna still served its original function: to flatter Rome and thereby secure favors for Smyrna (1975: 14).<\/p>\n
In AD 26, according to Tacitus, the Commune Asiae<\/i> (Latin) decreed a second temple (Cadoux 1938: 239; Tacitus 1989: 4.56) to the goddess of Rome (Dea Roma<\/i>, Latin), resulting in envoys from 11 cities vying for the privilege of construction. Tiberius heard the arguments and narrowed the decision down to Sardis and Smyrna (Tacitus 1989: 4.55; Mellor 1975: 14; Ramsay 1979: 254; Friesen 1993: 15\u201316; Aune 1997: 160; Cadoux 1938: 239; Swete 1957: lxi). Tacitus goes on to describe the arguments of the Smyrnaean orators:<\/p>\n
The envoys from Smyrna, after tracing their city\u2019s antiquity back to such founders as either Tantalus, the son of Jupiter, or Theseus, also of divine origin, or one of the Amazons, passed on to that on which they chiefly relied, their services to the Roman people, whom they had helped with naval armaments, not only in wars abroad, but in those under which we struggled in Italy. They had also been the first, they said, to build a temple in honour of Rome, during the consulship of Marcus Porcius Cato, when Rome\u2019s power indeed was<\/p>\n
Statue of a priest of the imperial cult at Smyrna.<\/b> (30 BC-AD 395, Archaeological Museum of Izmir, Turkey)<\/p>\n
BSpade<\/i> 19:3 (Summer 2006) p. 89<\/p>\n
Emperor Hadrian (AD 117\u2013138).<\/b> Hadrian had the Trajaneum enlarged and completed in Pergamum to worship the emperor. At his death his successor Antoninus convinced the Senate to deify Hadrian as a Roman god. (Antalya Museum, Turkey)<\/p>\n
great, but not yet raised to the highest point, inasmuch as the Punic capital was still standing and there were mighty kings in Asia. They appealed too to the testimony of Lucius Sulla, whose army was once in terrible jeopardy from a severe winter and want of clothing, and this having been announced at Smyrna in a public assembly, all who were present stript their clothes off their backs and sent them to the legions. And so the Senate, when the question was put, gave the preference to Smyrna (Tacitus 1942: 4.56). <\/p>\n
Smyrna dedicated this temple to Emperor Tiberius together with his mother Julia and took pride in boasting that she was the first city to construct a temple to emperor worship (Banks 1949: 4.2818).3 The fact that Smyrna was chosen over other cities demonstrates the wealth and status of this city (Friesen 1993: 19). Without a social welfare system the contrast between the wealthy and poor would be evident (Rv 2:9).<\/p>\n
The presence of a provincial cult within a city would indicate a close relationship between the city and Rome. Smyrna was a faith-ful ally of Rome going back first to 43 BC when Cicero declared that they were \u201cour most faithful and most ancient allies\u201d (1903: 11.2.5) and even farther back to 195 BC when Smyrna first built the temple to Rome (Tacitus 1989: 4.56). Smyrna\u2019s city calendar also conveyed an allegiance to Rome as <\/p>\n
the month from late February to March was named Philosebastos<\/i> (Greek), \u201cfriend to the emperor\u201d (Lane Fox 1987: 476\u201377). <\/p>\n
When Pionius was first asked and refused to sacrifice to the gods (\u201cthe golden image,\u201d Musurillo 1972: Mart. Pionii<\/i> 4.24; 5.2), Poleman the temple warden (neokoros<\/i>, Greek), asked him to \u201cmake a sacrifice at least to the emperor\u201d (Musurillo 1972: Mart. Pionii<\/i> 7.2; 8.4; cf. Lane Fox 1987: 477). For Poleman, a leading pagan in Smyrna, to use the term \u201cat least\u201d indicates that the emperor was not on the same level as the gods. Certainly, the cult of the emperor was present in Smyrna, <\/p>\n
but not even the prosecutors saw it as the most divisive issue. It was a cult, they felt, which allowed a compromise. Unlike the other pagan gods, a living emperor had no divine anger, no power to cause droughts or tremors (Lane Fox 1987: 477). <\/p>\n
However, for Christians, the worship of both gods and emperors was unthinkable (Musurillo 1972: Mart. Pionii<\/i> 7.2; 8.4). <\/p>\n
In AD 197 when Smyrna and Lampsacus refused to submit to the advances of Antiochus, Lampsacus appealed to Rome for assistance based on her past history. Unfortunately, Smyrna had no history with Rome and \u201cso invented one: the deification of the city of Rome\u2014thea Rome<\/i> (Greek)\u201d (Mellor 1975: 15; Potter 1992: 6:74; Livy 1960: 33.38.3; 34.59.4; 35.17.1; Polybius 1979: 18.52.1). <\/p>\n
The imperial cult may well have played a significant role in the mistreatment of Smyrnaean Christians by Jews. The gradually growing awareness by the Roman authorities that Christians did not fit under Judaism\u2019s exemption from the ban on religious practices outside of the cult of the emperor led to persecution of Christians (Osborne 2002: 131; Collins 1986: 313). Kiddle <\/p>\n
Caesar Augustus <\/b>(31 BC-AD 14). In the East (Asia Minor). Augustus was worshiped as a god, although reluctantly. Augustus would publicly reject divine honors or request that they be joined with Rome. However, his name means \u201crevered one\u201d and he did not object to his essence (genius<\/i>) being recognized as divine. Several temples and cult centers were erected at Lugdunum in Gaul and Cologne on the Rhine for his worship. (Archaeology Museum, Istanbul, Turkey) <\/p>\n
BSpade<\/i> 19:3 (Summer 2006) p. 90<\/p>\n
Livia Drusilla <\/b>(58 BC-AD 29). Livia was the mother of Tiberius and wife of Augustus. She was one of the first women to be actively involved in Roman politics, albeit behind the scenes, influencing almost every decision of Augustus. She was also deified by her grandson Emperor Claudius (AD 41\u201354), who gave her the title of Augusta, achieving another first in Roman history. (Sel\u00e7uk Archaeological Museum, Turkey) <\/p>\n
provides an excellent overview of the historical background for the role of the imperial cult in the persecution of Christians in Smyrna: <\/p>\n
And in cities like Smyrna, where the Imperial cult had been enthusiastically fostered for many years, it must have been an easy matter to urge the authorities to action. It was part of the Imperial policy to respect the religion of its subjects\u2019 nation, the Jews, who were legally excused from actual worship of the emperor on condition that intercession was offered for him in synagogues. But Christians had no national name to protect them, and consequently no legal privileges. Once disowned by Judaism, of which to the casual eye of the pagan they might seem merely an eccentric and troublesome sect, they were at the mercy of the prejudices of local administrators. And certain Jews were not content with disowning and ridiculing their opponents; there is reason to believe that they would on occasion traduce them, laying malicious accusations at their charge\u2014accusations, for example, of disloyalty and positive sedition (1952: 17.27). <\/p>\n
The Jews would have sought to <\/p>\n
dissociate themselves from the Christian movement, and, on the other hand, to enlist and support local authorities in the removal of this threat to the status quo (Mulholland 1990: 360).<\/p>\n
Jewish persecution is the context within which the Jewish synagogue in Revelation is to be understood as a \u201csynagogue of Satan.\u201d <\/p>\n
The historical context for this animosity is best understood before the Jewish revolt of 66\u201370 AD, after which the Romans removed the special status of the Jews and the Jews, themselves, faced persecution from the Romans (Grant 1963: 927). <\/p>\n
Religion <\/b><\/p>\n
The city of Smyrna was also home to other religions, with temples to \u201cSipylene Cybele and the local Zeus\u201d (Swete 1957: lxi),4 and Asclepius (Pausanias 2003: 2.36.9; 7.5.9; Tacitus 1989: 3.63). Other temples to the Neokorie, Nemesis and Tyche are depicted on the coinage of Smyrna (Klose 1987: 38; Price 1977: 215, 268). In the account of martyrdom of Pionius, Sabina and others \u201cthrow themselves on the ground to avoid being dragged to the temple\u201d (Greek, eidolaion<\/i>, idol temple; Musurillo 1972: Mart. Pionii<\/i> 15.7). Pagan temples provided a climate of clashing worldviews and set the stage for persecution of the Christians in Smyrna. <\/p>\n
Emperor Tiberius Caesar Augustus <\/b>(42 BC-AD 37). In AD 26, according to Tacitus, the Commune Asiae<\/i> (Latin) decreed a second temple to the goddess of Rome (Dea Roma<\/i>, Latin), resulting in envoys from 11 cities, Pergamum being one of them, vying for the privilege of construction (1989: 4.55-56). Tiberius heard the arguments and narrowed the decision down to Sardis and Smyrna with the privilege given to Smyrna. (Sel\u00e7uk Archaeological Museum, Turkey) <\/p>\n
BSpade<\/i> 19:3 (Summer 2006) p. 91<\/p>\n
Imperial cult priest.<\/b> This position was usually held by the local aristocracy, providing them a means of social advancement and political status. This provided an opportunity for wealthy freedmen, who were otherwise excluded from holding office, to climb the social ladder. Notice the cord (crown) around his head indicating his status. (Second century AD, Antalya Museum, Turkey)<\/p>\n
Martyrs Of Smyrna <\/b><\/p>\n
The central message to the church in Smyrna is centered on suffering and martyrdom (Rv 2:9\u201310). While much of the suffering within Smyrna would be difficult to document, there are a number of famous martyrs who have suffered for their faith, both ancient and modern. <\/p>\n
Polycarp\u2014Martyred in AD 155 <\/b><\/p>\n
Of coincidental significance, but interesting nonetheless, is the meaning of the name of the first recorded martyr of Smyrna. Polycarp (polycarpos<\/i>) means \u201cfruitful,\u201d evident through his life\u2019s work.5 According to Pionius, Polycarp was an orphan raised by a woman named Callisto, who was directed by an angel to purchase him and raise him. Pionius tells us that he was \u201ca native of the East…during the time of Bucolus\u201d (Lightfoot 1989: Vit<\/i>. Polyc<\/i>.1.3).6 With the death of Polycarp in approximately AD 1557 (Potter 1992: 6.75), under the governance of Statius Quadratus (Behr 1968: 98), he won the martyr\u2019s crown8 of immortality (Eusebius 1998: 4.15.40, 45). The martyrdom of Polycarp bore much fruit, as is evident from the advice he was called upon to give to the Philippian church 300 mi (483 km) away (Pilhofer 2003: 9)9 and the churches named in his honor still in existence today.10 <\/p>\n
Pionius\u2014Martyred in AD 250 <\/b><\/p>\n
Pionius was a priest of Smyrna who, according to the Acts of Pionius<\/i>, was martyred in about AD 250. The Acts of Pionius<\/i> is generally accepted by most scholars as historically accurate in most of its content.11 It is filled with historical details that collectively point toward a historically \u201creliable document\u201d (Cross 1966).12 Meinardus gives the account that, <\/p>\n
Euktemon, the bishop of Smyrna, apostatised and surrendered to the demands of the government and offered sacrifices to the gods. Pionius, however, remained true to his faith and died a martyr\u2019s death (1979: 68). <\/p>\n
The Martyrdom of Pionius<\/i> states that his martyrdom <\/p>\n
took place when Julius Proculus Quintillian was proconsul of Asia, under the consulship of Emperor Gaius Messius Quintus Trajan Decius Augustus for the second time and Vettius Gratus, on the fourth day before the Ides of March13 according to the Roman calendar, and according to the Asiatic reckoning on the 19th day of the sixth month, Saturday, at the tenth hour (Musurillo 1972: Mart. Pionii<\/i> 23.1). <\/p>\n
Seat of Honor from the theater.<\/b> Constructed of marble flanked by griffins. (Second century BC, Archaeological Museum of Izmir, Turkey)<\/p>\n
BSpade<\/i> 19:3 (Summer 2006) p. 92<\/p>\n
Stained glass window depicting Polycarp (AD 69\u2013155)<\/b>, now residing in the back entrance of St John Anglican Church, Izmir. He is shown with a wound over his heart.<\/p>\n
While martyrdom was a very real possibility within the early church, it is significant that by the time of Polycarp\u2019s death, according to the Martyrdom of Polycarp<\/i> (Musurillo 1972: Mart. Pol.<\/i> 19.1), \u201c11 Philadelphia Christians died as martyrs with Polycarp of Smyrna\u201d (Aune 1997: 235; Downing 1988: 117). <\/p>\n
Modern Martyrs of Smyrna <\/b><\/p>\n
It is impossible to list the names of all the Christians of this city who laid down their lives for their commitment to Christ following the example of St. Polycarp, but the Greek Orthodox Church commemorates many. Most of these \u201cNew Martyrs\u201d were poor people who had embraced Islam for various reasons, but later repented and publicly proclaimed their faith in Jesus Christ. Athanasius of Attalia (January 7), who lived most of his life in Smyrna, was said to have embraced Islam, but in 1653 when he returned to his Christian faith he was decapitated. In 1675 Nicholas of Karaman (December 6), in a moment of anger swore he would become a Muslim and when he refused to fulfill this oath he was hanged. Dioscorus of Smyrna (May 11) experienced a similar fate. Demus of Smyrna (April 10) was accused by his Turkish master of insulting Islam and was beheaded in 1763. Alexander of Salonica (May 26) had even become a hodja<\/i>,14 but as he preached the crucified Christ he was martyred in Smyrna in 1794. Other new martyrs of Smyrna include Procopius the New Martyr (June 25), who was killed in 1810; Agathangelus the New Martyr (April 19), who suffered martyrdom in 1818; and Nektarius the New Martyr (July 11) who was hanged in 1820 (Meinardus 1979: 73\u201374). Athanasios of Smyrna was martyred in 1819 (Clogg 1973: 28\u201336).<\/p>\n
St. Chrysostom\u2014Martyred in AD 1922 <\/b><\/p>\n
On September 9, 1922, St. Chrysostom, Greek Metropolitan of Smyrna, was tortured, mutilated, and killed by a Turkish mob in front of the military headquarters (Horton 1953: 99; Dobkin 1988: 133; Bierstadt 1924: 24\u201325). The general Noureddin requested the prelate\u2019s presence, but refused to shake his hand. Instead, he sent Chrysostom into the hands of the waiting crowd, shouting from the balcony, \u201cTreat him as he deserves!\u201d15 The crowd dragged him down the street to a Jewish barber and demanded, \u201cGive him a shave!\u201d (Dobkin 1988: 260 n. 133).<\/p>\n
They tore out the Prelate\u2019s beard, gouged out his eyes with knives, cut off his ears, his nose, and his hands. A dozen French marines who had accompanied Chrysostomos to the government house were standing by, beside themselves. Several of the men jumped instinctively forward to intervene, but the officer in charge forbade them to move. \u201cHe had his hand on his gun, though he was trembling himself,\u201d one of the men said later, \u201cso we dared not lift ours. They finished Chrysostomos there before our eyes.\u201d The Archbishop\u2019s murder was reported to Admiral Dumesnil aboard the French flagship. He shrugged his shoulders: \u201cHe got what was coming to him,\u201d he said (Dobkin 1988: 134).16 <\/p>\n
An Overview of Smyrna\u2019s Christian History after the Early Church Era <\/b><\/p>\n
In the fifth century <\/p>\n
the Christian community grew in strength and numbers and Smyrna became one of the more important archbishoprics in Asia Minor (Meinardus 1979: 68). <\/p>\n
During the Byzantine era Smyrna was under the control of Emperor John II Ducas Vatatzes of Nicaea, who refortified and beautified the city. In 1097 a Turkish fleet of sailors under the leadership of Tzach as murdered 10,000 Smyrneans. It is unknown how many of these citizens were Christians. A Turk called Morbassan attacked Smyrna around 1332, laying siege to it for three months, and eventually slaughtering all the Christians living there (Arundell 1834: 381). It was taken back by the Knights of <\/p>\n
BSpade<\/i> 19:3 (Summer 2006) p. 93<\/p>\n
St. John in 1344, only to be captured in the 14th century by the Arabs.17 Meinardus states: <\/p>\n
in 1402 Tamerlane sent a message to the Knights summoning them to embrace Islam and threatening them with death if they refused. The Knights rejected the ultimatum and Tamerlane besieged the city, capturing it on December 17, 1402. The Knights escaped with their galleys, but the Smyrnaean Christians were massacred. (Meinardus 1979: 69; Vailh\u00e9 1913:60).18 <\/p>\n
The Moslems occupied Smyrna in the 13th century causing the church to lose its \u201cpower and prestige,\u201d but not its presence (Meinardus 1979: 69). Meinardus indicates that, <\/p>\n
we have no record of a metropolitan of Smyrna after 1389 but the church survived the conquest by Tamerlane and appears in the 15th century catalogue of metropolitan sees (Meinardus 1979: 69).<\/p>\n
Among the first missionaries to settle in Smyrna were the Franciscans, Jesuits, Anglicans, and Dutch Reformed in the 15th and 16th centuries (Meinardus 1979: 69). McDonagh explains,<\/p>\n
according to Kinglake it was called Glaour Izmir<\/i> (\u201cInfidel Smyrna\u201d) by the Turks because of the large number of foreigners who lived and worked here (2001: 174).<\/p>\n
One of the first Western travellers to provide us with a description of medieval Smyrna is Father Pacifique. In 1622 he listed one or two Greek churches, one small Catholic church, one synagogue, and four mosques (Meinardus 1979: 70).<\/p>\n
In 1671 Thomas Smith witnessed that the Greeks had two churches, and retained the dignity of the Metropolitical seat, two Jewish synagogues, and 13 mosques (1678: 270). There was an increase in Muslim and Jewish buildings, but not Christian churches. <\/p>\n
In 1694 the Turks sat in the Gulf of Smyrna ready to take all Smyrnaean Christians as hostages. Through diplomatic intervention of the British, French and Dutch consuls the Turks were persuaded to leave. In 1770 Russia called on the Greeks to revolt and the Turks took revenge, killing more than 10,000 Greeks in Smyrna alone (Meinardus 1979: 73). <\/p>\n
In 1797, a fire swept through Smyrna destroying 4500 homes. During this period, many Christians lost their lives. They have been identified as the \u201cNew Martyrs\u201d and commemorated by the Greek Orthodox church (Meinardus 1979: 73). <\/p>\n
According to Vailh\u00e9, <\/p>\n
in 1818 Pius VII established the Archdiocese of Smyrna, at the same time retaining the vicariate Apostolic, the jurisdiction of which was wider…The archdiocese had 17,000 Latin Catholics, some Greek Melchites, called Alepi, and Armenians under special organization (1913: 60).<\/p>\n
Emperor Trajan (AD 98\u2013117).<\/b> Trajan had the Trajaneum built in Pergamum to worship the emperor. (Antalya Museum, Turkey)<\/p>\n
There were 26 priests in the archdiocese, four of which were in Smyrna at this time (Vailh\u00e9 1913: 60). Arundell reports in 1822, <\/p>\n
The Greeks have three churches; the Armenians one; the Latins two; the Protestants two (1834: 415). <\/p>\n
Prior to a massacre in 1922 in which as many as 50,000 Christians were killed (Meinardus 1979: 75), <\/p>\n
Smyrna was a predominately Christian city with 135,000 Greeks, 11,175 Catholics, 8,500 Armenians (Meinardus 1979: 75). <\/p>\n
The Greeks maintained over 55 churches and before 1922 the Armenians built the Cathedral of St. Stephen, one of the most beautiful churches in Turkey (Meinardus 1979: 75). There were <\/p>\n
BSpade<\/i> 19:3 (Summer 2006) p. 94<\/p>\n
St. John Anglican Church, Izmir.<\/b><\/p>\n
Over 100,000 Christians in Smyrna at that time. Several Christian congregations have survived to the present day.19 <\/p>\n
Conclusion <\/b><\/p>\n
The identification of local references (social-historical setting) within Revelation 2:8\u201311 is evident from the etymological background of Smyrna\u2019s name, her primacy (first of Asia), persecution at the hands of the Jews and role of the imperial cult in fostering numerous martyrs. Consistent with the prophecy of Revelation 2:8\u201311, Smyrna continues to experience severe suffering, even to modern times. The local cultural settings of Biblical cities, often illuminated by archaeology, numismatics, and epigraphy, must not be ignored in the examination of the Biblical text as they may provide helpful insight into its meaning. Thus, archaeology is just one of many disciplines that must be employed to shed light on the text. This does not place local references outside the Biblical text as more authoritative than the inspired Word, but rather illuminates the text so we can better understand Scripture. Admittedly, Smyrna\u2019s archaeological evidence is limited due to the encroachment of the modern city. The artifacts, coins and inscriptions that are available, however, provide fragments of evidence to illuminate the text. These data, plus historical references, bring into sharper focus the message of suffering and martyrdom experienced by the Church at Smyrna. <\/p>\n
Bibliography <\/b><\/p>\n
Akurgal, Ekrem <\/b>
1976 Smyrna<\/i>. Pp. 847\u201348 in Princeton Encyclopaedia of Classical Sites<\/i>, eds. Richard Stillwell, William L. MacDonald and Marian H. McAllister. Princeton: Princeton University. <\/p>\n
Arundell, Francis V. J. <\/b>
1834 Discoveries in Asia Minor; Including a Description of the Ruins of Several Ancient Cities, and Especially Antioch of Pisidia<\/i> 2. London: Bentley. <\/p>\n
Aune, David E. <\/b>
1997 Revelation 1\u20135<\/i>. Word Biblical Commentary 52A. Dallas: Word. <\/p>\n
Banks, Edgar J. <\/b>
1949 Smyrna. Pp. 2818\u201319 in The International Standard Bible Encyclopaedia<\/i> 4, ed. James Orr. Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans. <\/p>\n
Barclay, William <\/b>
1957 Letters to the Seven Churches<\/i>. London: Abingdon. <\/p>\n
Barnard, Leslie W. <\/b>
1970 In Defense of Pseudo-Pionius\u2019 Account of Polycarp\u2019s Martyrdom. Pp. 192\u2013204 in Kyriakon Festschrift Johannes Quasten<\/i> 1, eds. Patrick Granfield and Josef A. Jungman. M\u00fcnster\/Westf, Germany: Aschendorff. <\/p>\n
Berding, Kenneth <\/b>
2002 Review of Paul Hartog, Polycarp and the New Testament: The Occasion, Rhetoric, Theme, and Unity of the Epistle to the Philippians and its Allusions to New Testament Literature. Westminster Theological Journal<\/i> 64: 415\u201317.
2003 Historical Connections to John but Literary Connections to Paul: Can We Resolve a Dilemma in our Understanding of Polycarp of Smyrna? Paper presented at the First International Symposium on Ancient Smyrna, Izmir, Turkey. <\/p>\n
Behr, Charles A. <\/b>
1968 Aelius, Aristides and the Sacred Tales<\/i>. Amsterdam, Netherlands: Hakkert. <\/p>\n
Bierstadt, Edward H. <\/b>
192<\/i>4 The Great Betrayal: A Survey of the Near East Problem<\/i>. New York: McBride. <\/p>\n
Blaiklock, Edward M. <\/b>
1983 Smyrna. P. 418 in The New International Dictionary of Biblical Archaeology<\/i>, eds. Edward M. Blaiklock and Roland K. Harrison. Grand Rapids MI: Zondervan. <\/p>\n
Cadoux, Cecil J. <\/b>
1938 Ancient Smyrna<\/i>. Oxford, England: Blackwell. <\/p>\n
Cicero, Marcus Tullius <\/b>
1903 The Orations of Marcus Tullius Cicero<\/i>. Trans. Charles D. Yonge, from Latin. London. Bell. http:\/\/www.perseus.tufts.edu (accessed June 24, 2003). <\/p>\n
Clogg, Richard <\/b>
1973 Little Known Orthodox Neo-Martyr, Athanasios of Smyrna (1819). Eastern Churches Review<\/i> 5: 28\u201336. <\/p>\n
Collins, Adela Y. <\/b><\/p>\n
1986 Vilification and Self-Definition in the Book of Revelation. Harvard Theological Review<\/i> 79: 308\u201320. Cross, Frank L., ed. 1966 Pionius. P. 1074 in Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church<\/i>. London: Oxford University. <\/p>\n
Dobkin, Marjorie H. <\/b>
1988 Smyrna 1922: The Destruction of a City<\/i>. New York: Newmark. <\/p>\n
Doughty, Darrell J.<\/b>
2003 Persecution and Martyrdom in Early Christianity<\/i>. http:\/\/courses. drew.edu\/FA2001\/bibst-720s-001 (accessed August 28). <\/p>\n
Downing, Francis G.<\/b>
1988 Pliny\u2019s Prosecutions of Christians. Journal for the Study of the New Testament<\/i> 34:105\u201323. <\/p>\n
Eusebius, Pamphilius<\/b>
1998 Eusebius\u2019 Ecclesiastical History<\/i>. Trans Christian F. Crus\u00e9, from Greek. New updated ed. Peabody MA: Henderson. <\/p>\n
Foster, John <\/b>
1966 Note on St. Polycarp. Expository Times<\/i> 77: 319. <\/p>\n
Friesen, Steven J. <\/b>
1993 Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia, and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family. Religions in the Graeco-Roman World<\/i> 116. Leiden: Brill. <\/p>\n
Grant, Frederick C. <\/b>
1963 Smyrna<\/i>. Pp. 926\u201327 in The Dictionary of the Bible<\/i>, ed. James Hastings, rev. ed. by Frederick C. Grant and Harold H. Rowley. New York: Scribner. <\/p>\n
Hartog, Paul A. <\/b>
2002 Polycarp and the New Testament: The Occasion, Rhetoric, Theme, and Unity of the Epistle to the Philippians and its Allusions to New Testament Literature.<\/i> Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 2.134. T\u00fcbingen, Germany: Mohr Siebeck. <\/p>\n
Head, Barclay V. <\/b>
1964 Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Ionia in the British Museum<\/i>. Bologna, Italy: Forni. <\/b><\/p>\n
Horton, George <\/b>
1953 The Blight of Asia: An Account of the Systematic Extermination of Christian Populations by Mohammedans and of the Culpability of Certain Great Powers; with the True Story of the Burning of Smyrna. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. <\/p>\n
Kiddle, Martin <\/b>
1952 The Revelation of St. John<\/i>. The Moffatt New Testament Commentary 17. London: Hodder & Stoughton. <\/p>\n
Kistemaker, Simon J. <\/b>
2001 Exposition of the Book of Revelation. New Testament Commentary 14. Grand Rapids MI: Baker. <\/p>\n
Klose, Dietrich O.A. <\/b>
1986 A. Die M\u00fcnzpr\u00e4gung von Smyrna in der R\u00f6mischen Kaiserzeit<\/i>. Berlin: de Gruyter. <\/p>\n
Lane Fox, Robin J. <\/b>
1987 Pagans and Christians<\/i>. New York: Knopf. <\/p>\n
Lightfoot, Joseph B. <\/b>
1989 The Apostolic Fathers: Clement, Ignatius and Polycarp<\/i>, second ed., 2 vols., Peabody MA: Hendrickson. Reprint of 1889 ed. pub. by MacMillan, London. <\/p>\n
Livy <\/b>
1960 The Early History of Rome<\/i>. Trans. Aubrey De Selincourt, from Latin. New York: Viking Penguin. <\/p>\n
Maier, Paul L. <\/b>
1999 Eusebius, The Church History: A New Translation with Commentary. Grand Rapids MI: Kregel. <\/p>\n
McDonagh, Bernard <\/b>
2001 Blue Guide: Turkey,<\/i> third ed. London: Black. <\/p>\n
Meinardus, Otto F.A. <\/b>
1979 St. John of Patmos and the Seven Churches of the Apocalypse. New York: Caratzas. <\/p>\n
Mellor, Ronald <\/b>
1975 Thea Rhōmē=The Worship of the Goddess Roma in the Greek World<\/i>. Hypomnemata 42. G\u00f6ttingen, Germany: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. <\/p>\n
Musurillo, Herbert <\/b>
1972 The Acts of the Christian Martyrs<\/i>. Oxford, England: Clarendon. <\/p>\n
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2002 Revelation<\/i>. Baker Exegetical Commentary on the New Testament. Grand Rapids MI: Baker Academic. <\/p>\n
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2003 Description of Greece, Book I: Attica<\/i>. http:\/\/Fordham.edu\/halsall\/ ancient\/pausanias-bk1.html (accessed May 9). <\/p>\n
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Polybius <\/b>
1979 The Rise of the Roman Empire<\/i>.Trans. Ian Scott-Kilvert, from Greek. London: Penguin. <\/p>\n
Potter, David S. <\/b>
1992 Smyrna. Pp. 73\u201375 in The Anchor Bible Dictionary<\/i> 6, ed. David N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. <\/p>\n
Price, Martin J., and Trell, Bluma L. <\/b>
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1932 The Date of St. Polycarp\u2019s Martyrdom. Jahreshefte des \u00d6sterreichischen Arch\u00e4ologischen Institutes in Wien<\/i> 27: 245\u201358.
1979 The Letters to the Seven Churches<\/i>. Grand Rapids MI: Baker. <\/p>\n
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Robertson, Archibald T. <\/b>
1934 Word Pictures in the New Testament: The General Epistles and the Revelation of John<\/i> 6. Nashville: Broadman. <\/p>\n
Smith, Thomas <\/b>
1678 Remarks upon the Manners, Religion and Government of the Turks. A Survey of the Seven Churches of Asia, as they now lye in their Ruines<\/i>. London: Pitt. <\/p>\n
Stewart, Zeph. <\/b>
1984 Greek Crowns and Christian Martyrs. Pp. 119\u201324 in M\u00e9morial Andr\u00e9-Jean Festugi\u00e8re: Antiquit\u00e9 pa\u00efenne et chr\u00e9tienne<\/i>, ed. Enzo Lucchesi and Henri D. Saffrey. Geneva, Switzerland: Cramer. <\/p>\n
Swete, H. Barclay <\/b>
1957 The Apocalypse of St. John<\/i>, third ed. Grand Rapids MI: Eerdmans. <\/p>\n
Tacitus, P. Cornelius <\/b>
1942 The Complete Works of Tacitus<\/i>. Trans. Alfred J. Church and William J. Brodribb, from Latin. New York: Modern Library.
1989 The Annals of Imperial Rome<\/i>. Trans. Michael Grant, from Latin. Aylesbury, England: Penguin. <\/p>\n
Vailh\u00e9, Sim\u00e9on <\/b>
1913 Smyrna. P. 60 in The Catholic Encyclopedia<\/i> 14, ed. Charles G. Herbermann et al. New York: Encyclopedia. <\/p>\n
Wilson, Mark W. <\/b>
1997 A Pie in a Very Bleak Sky? Analysis and Appropriation of the Promise Sayings in the Seven Letters to the Churches in Revelation 2\u20133. Unpublished D.Litt. Dissertation. University of South Africa. <\/p>\n
Yamauchi, Edwin M. <\/b>
1980 New Testament Cities in Western Asia Minor<\/i>. Grand Rapids MI: Baker. <\/p>\n
Zincone, Sergio <\/b>
1992 Pionius. Pp. 688\u201389 in Encyclopaedia of the Early Church<\/i> 2, ed. Angelo di Berardino. Trans. Adran Walford, from Italian. Oxford, England: Oxford University. <\/p>\n
Bible And Spade 19:4 (Fall 2006)<\/b><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
David E. Graves Role of the Imperial Cult The worship of the Emperor was an important part of Smyrna\u2019s culture from early in Rome\u2019s rise to power. Kistemaker writes that in order to make the spirit of Rome concrete throughout the empire, Romans presented the emperor as its embodiment, and thus worship of the emperor … Continue reading “LOCAL
\nREFERENCES IN THE LETTER OF SMYRNA
\n(RV 2:8-11), PART 4:
\nRELIGIOUS BACKGROUND1”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-15436","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-sermons"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15436","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=15436"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/15436\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=15436"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=15436"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.biblia.work\/sermons\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=15436"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}