So Jeremiah abode in the court of the prison until the day that Jerusalem was taken: and he was [there] when Jerusalem was taken.
28. of the guard ] See on Jer 32:2.
Fuente: The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
And he was there when … – These words are altered by some to and it came to pass when etc., and taken to form the opening of Jer. 39.
Fuente: Albert Barnes’ Notes on the Bible
Thus God hath several ways to hide his people in an evil day; he hid Josiah from it in the grave; he hid Noah in an ark, Lot in Zoar, Jeremiah in a prison, which in probability was a safer place for him than the land of Benjamin, whither he would have gone had not Irijah stopped him, Jer 37:12,13. Conquerors have commonly the greatest kindness for those whom they find under the frowns of the conquered, especially when that which hath made them so hath been something spoken or done in the favour of the conquerors.
Fuente: English Annotations on the Holy Bible by Matthew Poole
28. he was therewhen Jerusalem was takenThese words are made the beginning ofthe thirty-ninth chapter by many; but the accents and sense supportEnglish Version.
Fuente: Jamieson, Fausset and Brown’s Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible
So Jeremiah abode in the court of the prison,…. Where he was ordered to be by the king, before he was cast into the dungeon, and where he was replaced by Ebedmelech; and which was now confirmed by the king, and here he continued:
until the day that Jerusalem was taken; but how long it was from his conversation with the king, to the taking of the city, is not certain:
and he was [there] when Jerusalem was taken; as appears from
Jer 39:14. Kimchi connects this with the beginning of the next chapter; and so the Targum, rendering it,
“and it came to pass when Jerusalem was taken;”
namely, what is related in the following chapter.
Fuente: John Gill’s Exposition of the Entire Bible
Some render the last words simply thus, “And it happened that Jerusalem was taken;” and others, “It happened accordingly that Jerusalem was taken; ” but this seems unnatural. Others take the relative as a demonstrative pronoun, and of this I approve, “For it happened that according to this Jerusalem was taken.”
He first says that he dwelt in the court of the prison. It hence appears that he was not even then at liberty; for though the king wished him to be free, yet he dared not to release him. This is one thing. Then he says, that he was there until the day the city was taken We shall hereafter see that he was saved by the king’s command, and was brought out of prison. He was, then, until that day in the court of the prison, as though he had said, that he was a prisoner until the king was taken prisoner, together with his counselors, and also until the day the whole city was taken. And here we may see, as in a vivid form, the wonderful judgment of God. As long as the Jews boasted that they offered sacrifices to God, they kept Jeremiah shut up in prison, so that he was not a free man until the king was taken, the city perished, and almost all were driven into exile. I have no doubt but that he added the following by way of explanation, And it happened that according to this Jerusalem was taken; that is, he reminds readers in these words, that he had not been a false Prophet, but a true and faithful witness as to God’s judgment, for all his prophecies were verified by the event. (116) He then says that the city was taken, not by chance, but because God had so declared. He now begins to narrate historically the destruction and the burning of the city. He therefore says, —
(116) These words are left out in the Sept. and the Syriac. The Vulgate, and the Targum. give this version, “And it came to pass that Jerusalem was taken;” which seems not in this connection to have any meaning. Some connect them with the following chapter, but improperly. Our version, followed by Blayney, gives the best sense, “And he was there (that is, in the court of the prison) when Jerusalem was taken:“ He was there not only to the day or time of its capture, but during that time. This was added to shew that he was not released by the Jews, but by those who took the city. — Ed.
Fuente: Calvin’s Complete Commentary
B. THE EVENTS SUBSEQUENT TO THE CAPTURE OF JERUSALEM (CHS. 3944)
1. Jeremiah liberated from the court of the guard and given in charge to Gedaliah
Jer 38:28 to Jer 39:14
28b. And he was there1 [And it came to pass] when Jerusalem was taken, XXXIX. 1 (In the ninth year of Zedekiah king of Judah, in the tenth month, came Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon and all his army against Jerusalem, and they besieged 2it. And in the eleventh year of Zedekiah, in the fourth month, the ninth day 3of the month, the city was broken up. And [that] all the princes of the king of Babylon came in, and sat in the middle gate, even Nergal sharezer, Samgar-nebo, Sarsechim, Rab-saris, [or the chief of the eunuchs] Nergal sharezer, Rab-mag [or the chief of the Magi], with all the residue of the princes of the king of Babylon.
4And it came to pass, that when Zedekiah the king of Judah saw them, and all the men-of-war [or and all the men-of-war saw them], then they fled and went out of the city by night, by the way of [to] the kings garden, by the gate betwixt the 5two walls: and he went out the way of the plain. But the Chaldeans army pursued [hastened] after them, and overtook Zedekiah in the plains of Jericho: and when they had taken him [and took him] they [and] brought him up to Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon to Riblah in the land of Hamath, where he gave 6[held]2 judgment upon him. Then the king of Babylon slew the sons of Zedekiah in Riblah before his eyes: also the king of Babylon slew all the nobles of Judah. 7Moreover he put out Zedekiahs eyes, and bound him with chains [a double chain], 8to carry [take] him to Babylon. And the Chaldeans burned the kings house, and the houses of the people, with fire, and brake down the walls of Jerusalem.
9Then Nebuzar-adan the captain of the guard [halberdiers, lit.: executioners carried away captive into Babylon the remnant of the people that remained in the city, and those that fell away, that fell to him [the deserters, who had gone over to 10him], with the rest of the people that remained. But Nebuzar adan the captain of the guard left of the poor of the people, which had nothing, in the land of Judah,11and gave them vineyards and fields3 at the same time. Now Nebuchadrezzar king of Babylon gave charge concerning Jeremiah to Nebuzar-adan the captain 12of the guard, saying, Take him, and look well to him, [set thine eyes upon him] 13and do him no harm; but do unto him even as he shall say unto thee. So Nebuzar-adan the captain of the guard sent, and Nebushasban, Rab-saris [chief of the eunuchs] and Nergal-sharezer, Rab-mag [chief of the Magi], and all the king 14of Babylons princes: Even they sent, and took Jeremiah out of the court of the prison [guard], and committed him unto Gedaliah the son of Ahikam the son of Shaphan, that he should carry him home [into the house]: so he dwelt among the people.
EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL
The text of this chapter is interwoven with portions from chap. 52 (2 Kings 25). Immediately after the opening words an abridged account is interpolated from Jer 52:4-7 (2Ki 25:1-4), of the capture of the city mentioned in these words (Jer 39:1-2). Then after Jer 39:3, Jer 39:4-10 a similarly abridged account of the flight, capture and punishment of the king, and of the burning of the city and deportation of the people is added from Jer 52:7-16 (2Ki 25:4-12). What further follows (Jer 39:11-14) is not derived from elsewhere, but with Jer 38:28 b, and Jer 39:3, forms the only independent portion of this section, Jer 39:1-14. The question, whether the statements in vers 1113, agree with Jer 39:3, will be treated in the Exeg. Rems. Here it may simply be observed that after the excision thus made the original constituents of the section are occupied purely with the person of the prophet, informing us that by order of Nebuchadnezzar, the captain of dragoons Nebuzar-adan has the prophet brought out of the court of the guard and given in charge to Gedaliah, son of Ahikam, after which Jeremiah remained among the people.
Jer 38:28Jer 39:2. And it came to pass . . . broken up. As the verses 1, 2 cannot in any way be grammatically connected with the preceding and following context, they may be regarded as a parenthesis. The mention of the capture of Jerusalem in Jer 38:28 b occasioned the insertion of this chronological notice relating thereto. It is evident that this insertion was not made by the prophet himself, but proceeded from a later source. Even Keil acknowledges that the account of the destruction of Jerusalem, which is contained in two recensions, Jeremiah 52 and 2Ki 24:18 to 2Ki 25:4, cannot have proceeded from the hand of the prophet (comp. Commentar zu den BB. d. Knige, 1865, S. 10, 11 with which, however, what is said in S. 378 Anm., does not quite agree). Since now vers Jer 39:1-2 are taken from that account of the destruction of Jerusalem which we find in Jeremiah 52 and 2 Kings 25, and this account (comp. the narrative of Jehoiachins end, Jer 52:31-34), must necessarily be of later date than Jeremiah, the extract from that account cannot have been made by Jeremiah. These verses are, therefore, to be regarded as a gloss, which probably came into the text, not by the will of the author, but by the fault of the transcriber. Once having entered the text, they pressed back also those words at the close of the previous chapter, since the parenthesis was doubtless then found to be too long and disjointed, and the connection of the words with Jer 39:3 impracticable. What means the oldest commentators took to fit the words to the previous context, we have already seen.
Jer 39:3. That all the princes . . king of Babylon. These words attach themselves as we have shown to Jer 38:28 b. How long after the capture of the city this event took place, the words themselves do not inform us. For the connection of the sentence, Jer 38:28 b, may designate both an immediate chronological sequence, or a longer interval. Let us first regard more particularly the place and object of the assembly, and the persons assembled. The place is called the gate of the middle. As is well known, David had first conquered and fortified (2Sa 5:7; 2Sa 5:9) Mount Zion, the city of David, which Josephus (Antiq. V., 2, 2) calls the in distinction from the . The expression seems to denote one of the gates in the wall separating this upper and lower city. It does not occur elsewhere. Perhaps, however, (Keri ) 2Ki 20:4 is connected with it. Arnold (Herz.: R.-Enc. XVIII., S. 629) [Smith, Dict., I. 1027] supposes that the middle gate is to be sought in the middle of the north wall of Mt. Zion. If the gate of the middle is then to be sought, not in the outer city-wall, but in the interior of the city, perhaps as the main entrance to the upper city, it appears to be a central point quite favorable for the commanders purpose. At the same time the sitting of the commander in this gate, as the central point of the city-life (comp. on the significance of the gate in this regard, HerzogsR.-Enc. XIV., S. 721) may have been the signal of the formal and solemn taking possession. In taking their places where the rulers and elders of Jerusalem were accustomed to discharge their office, the Chaldean princes gave it to be understood that they were now masters of the city. That they had taken up their quarters in the gate, as Graf supposes, I do not think. For a gate is no place for living in, least of all for princes. As we perceive from 2Ki 25:1 (Jer 52:4), Nebuchadnezzar himself began the siege, but left its continuation to his generals, he himself being at the time of the capture in Riblah (2Ki 25:6; Jer 25:9; Jer 39:5). These generals are now enumerated. Hitzig has made the ingenious conjecture, that the four names which we here read, are to be reduced to three, of which each is followed by an official title. Thus Nergal-sharezer bears the title Samgar, which in the Persian signifies he who has the cup, so that it is equivalent to Rabshakeh (Isa 36:2) the cup-bearer. Nebo, which in compound names never occurs in the last place (which is certainly correct), is to be connected with the following name. Sar-sechim is identical with Rab-saris (for from , or secare, from which knife, is equivalent to eunuch). This idle, sportive accumulation of designations of a man has now after Nebo supplanted the second half of the real name, Shasban (Jer 39:13). We thus obtain three names, each with a title: 1. Nergal-sharezer, cup-bearer; 2. Nebushasban, chief-eunuch; 3. Nergal-sharezer, chief-magian. This conjecture, on which Graf has bestowed his approbation, is very plausible, especially as Rabsaris is certainly called Nebushasban in Jer 39:13, and we cannot conceive why the chief-eunuch, of which there cannot well have been more than one, bears a different name in Jer 39:3, from that in Jer 39:13. According to Hitzig the last two names in Jer 39:13 agree with the corresponding ones in Jer 39:3, the only difference being in the first name, which is however fully explained by the circumstance, that during the interval which had elapsed between Jer 39:3 and Jer 39:15, Nebuzar-adan, who was highest in rank of all the princes, had arrived, and is therefore named first in the latter passage instead of the Nergal-sharezer of Jer 39:3. The sense and connection are thus in favor of Hitzigs conjecture, but it still lacks a secure etymological basis. That Samgar means cupbearer, and Sar-sechim is equivalent to Rab-saris, is not yet sufficiently proved. On the name Nergal-sharezer comp. Niebuhr, Ass. u. Bab., S. 37, 42, 43, Anm. [On the identification of Nergal-sharezer with Neriglissat, son-in-law of Nebuchadnezzar, see Rawlinson, Ancient Monarchies, III. 232, 528, and SmithsBible Dictionary, s. v.S. R. A.] On Nebo also, Ib. S. 30, 34.
Jer 39:4-10. And it came to pass . . at the same time. This passage is, as already remarked, taken with abbreviations from Jer 52:7-16 (2Ki 25:4-12). The object is evidently to give, in a compressed picture of the general distress, a background to the original representation, relating merely to the fate of the prophet. That this was necessary, together with Jeremiah 52, must be doubted. For what author will unnecessarily write the same thing twice over? Or would not the author of Jeremiah 39 expect that the reader could himself derive the necessary elucidation of this narrative from ch 52? Jer 39:4-10 is however taken from Jeremiah 52, not from 2 Kings 25. For if we compare Jer 39:4 with Jer 52:7; Jer 39:5 with Jer 52:8-9; Jer 39:6 with Jer 52:10 (N. B.: the slaughter of the princes is not mentioned in 2 Kings 25) and Jer 39:7 with Jer 52:11, we shall find that the present, passage contains all which distinguishes the narrative of Jeremiah 52. from that in 2 Kings 25, while in no point does it agree with 2 Kings 25 in opposition to Jeremiah 52. In the verses Jer 39:8-10 the narrative in relation both to Jeremiah 52 and 2 Kings 25 is so much abbreviated, that any special relationship with one of the two passages is not perceptible. They differ in this section however only in single words, which have no bearing on the essential import, so that we may say that the present text is related to Jeremiah 52, as well as to 2 Kings 25, as extract and elucidation. On this more below. If, now, Jer 39:4-10 is indisputably of later date than Jeremiah 52, so as to presuppose this chapter, we cannot avoid regarding the text as originally a marginal gloss, which was gradually by the fault of the transcriber incorporated into the text. As regards particular points, the words And it came to pass that when Zedekiah, Jer 39:4, may be recognized as a skillfully added connecting gloss, for 1, the original text contains nothing of this; but lets the flight follow immediately on the breaking in of the Chaldeans, Jer 52:7; 2Ki 25:4; 2 Kings 2, it is also in itself improbable, that Zedekiah deferred his flight till the Chaldean princes had taken their post in the middle gate. The flight was effectuated in a direction opposite to that in which the enemies from the North approached, viz., by the exit to the South on the way to the garden of the king through the gate between the double wall. This garden of the king is mentioned only in Neh 3:15, where it borders on the pool of Siloah. Comp. Arnold in Herzog, R.-Enc., XVIII., S. 630 u. 635; Leyreb in the same, XIV. S. 371. [Smith,Dict., I., 653]. According to Arnold this garden of the king is probably identical with the garden of Uzza (2Ki 21:18; 2Ki 21:26). The gate between the double walls also is mentioned only here and in the parallel passages. It is to be sought for in the exit of the Tyropon, and is probably identical with the gate of the fountain (Neh 2:14; Neh 3:15; Neh 12:37). Comp. Arnold, S. 629 et pass.; Thenius, BB. d. Knige, S. 456; Robinson, Pal. II., S. 142.The double-wall mentioned besides here (and parallel passages) only in Isa 22:11, appears to have been a double connection between Zion and Ophel. But concerning this there are various views. Comp. Thenius, The graves of the kings of Judah in IllgrusZeitschr. f. hist. Theol., 1844, I. S. 18 sqq.; Herzog, R.-Enc., V. S. 157; XIV. S. 374; XVIII. S. 633; Keil.BB. d. Kn., S. 381.
From this southern exit Zedekiah turned eastward to the . This is the general term for the plain or vale of the Jordan, both on its eastern (comp. Deu 1:1; Deu 3:17; Deu 4:49; Jos 12:1) and its western shore (comp. Jos 8:14; Jos 11:2; Jos 11:16; 2Sa 2:29). Yet it seems as though Arabah is not only to be taken in a narrower and wider sense, (in the wider it comprises the entire depression of the lake Gennesaret to the Elamitic gulf, of which the southern half, from the southern end of the Dead Sea, is still called Wady el Araba) but to be generally of a fluctuating character. For in Deu 11:30 for instance the region of Sichem, where Mts. Ebal and Gerizim are situated, is reckoned to the Arabah. Zedekiah is overtaken in the . This is a part of the Arabah, the enlargement of the Jordan-valley, three leagues wide, near Jericho, watered by the brook of Elisha.
The captured king is taken to Riblah, the northern boundary city of Palestine, at the source of the Orontes, (Num 34:11) the point of juncture for the roads eastward to the Euphrates, southward to Damascus and the Jordan, and westward to Phnicia, which had previously been the head-quarters of Pharaoh Necho (2Ki 23:33). Here Nebuchadnezzar held judgment over him. Nebuchadnezzar had made him king (2Ki 24:17), Zedekiah was therefore a rebel against him (Jer 52:3; 2Ki 24:20).
The punishment which Zedekiah had to suffer for his revolt was a cruel one: his children were slain before his eyes, likewise all the great men of Judah ( for Jer 52:10 probably as a reminiscence from Jer 27:30); he himself was blinded and carried in chains to Babylon. From to carry, Jer 39:7, onwards, the abridgement is great and in so far unfortunate that one main point is Omitted, viz., the circumstance that Nebuchadnezzar on the news of the capture of Jerusalem sent the captain of his body-guard, Nebuzaradan, to Jerusalem, who arrived there four weeks after the capture. The mention of this circumstance was important, because without it the appearance of Nebuzar-adan, from Jer 39:9 onwards, is wholly unaccounted for. One consequence of this omission is also that in Jer 39:8 it is not Nebuzar-adan who burns the city, but the Chaldeans. Why the temple is not mentioned among the objects burned is not clear. In Jer 39:4 the obscure and superfluous words the poor of the people, found in Jer 52:15, are omitted, and instead of that fell to the king of Babylon, we have simply that fell to him, (2Ki 25:11, , almost the only point in which Jeremiah 39 approaches more nearly to 2 Kings 25 than Jeremiah 52). Since the king of Babylon has not been named just before (comp Jer 39:6 fin.) to him can refer only to the Nebuzar adan mentioned in the following verse; a reference which cannot be historically justified, since by the deserters mentioned are to be understood such only as went over before the conquest. After the deserters our text mentions besides the remnant of the people. In antithesis to the remnant of the people that remained in the city can be understood only the inhabitants remaining in the country. In the place of the second we find in 2Ki 25:11, in Jer 52:15. The former denotes tumult, multitude of people (comp. Isa 13:4; Isa 17:12) and our text takes the latter doubtless in the same sense. Whether correctly is another question. Comp. rems. on Jer 52:15. Nebuzar-adan, the captain of the guard, is here named for the first time. Sent by the king to Jerusalem on receipt of the news that Jerusalem is taken (comp. Jer 52:12; 2Ki 25:8), he immediately assumes the chief command, as is evident from this passage, and the following (Jer 39:10-12; Jer 40:1-6). The nature of his office, as well as the expression who stood before the king in Jer 52:12, indicate that he took precedence of all other princes.The tenth verse, in this differing from the rest, contains an extension of the original text, the expression the poor being explained by the addition which had nothing, wanting in Jeremiah 52 and 2 Kings 25. The author evidently held it to be desirable (though unnecessary), to call attention to the fact that is not here to be taken in the sense of afflictus, miser. The brief phrase for vine-dressers and for husbandmen in Jer 52:16; 2Ki 25:12 (Keri) he extends into a sentence.The words at the same time (in the same day) are to mark the difference in time between what was last narrated and what follows. It might otherwise have seemed as if the events narrated in Jer 39:11 occurred contemporaneously with those in Jer 39:9-10.
Jer 39:11-14. Now Nebuchadnezzar . . . among the people. Struensee, Movers, Graf, Meier, dispute the genuineness of Jer 39:11-13, Hitzig only of Jer 39:13. The objections to the authenticity appear to be the following: 1. The commission given to Nebuzar-adan is, according to Jer 40:1, not executed. Only in Rama (Jer 40:1) does Nebuzar-adan (comp. Jer 40:4) what according to Jer 39:11-12 he was commanded to do. 2. If Nebuzar-adan, who according to Jer 52:12 came to Jerusalem four weeks after its capture, first ordered the liberation of Jeremiah from the court of the guard, Jeremiah had remained there four weeks after the capture, which is in contradiction to Jer 38:28. 3. The three vers. are wanting in the LXX. 4. As to Jer 39:13 in particular, it is a mere connecting clause, rendered necessary by the insertion of Jer 39:11-12. For Jer 39:14 could not be connected directly with Jer 39:12; for the subject of sent would then be obscure. By the mention of Nebuzar-adan the connection with Jer 39:12 and the previous context, and by the mention of the other princes the connection with Jer 39:13 is established. I do not think that these arguments are conclusive. As to the first point, Nebuzar-adan certainly made the necessary arrangements for the execution of his commission. He liberated the prophet from the court of the guard, and entrusted him to Gedaliah for his further maintenance. But he seems not to have been in a condition to keep the prophet specially in view, so that he might be preserved from any personal malignity. In the confusion which was necessarily connected with the destruction of the city, the prophet, who voluntarily or involuntarily had been included in the multitude of the people, was treated like the rest. He was bound like the others. It was only in Ramah, where probably the first halt was made, and the arrangement of the caravan was definitely adjusted, that the captain of the halberdiers remembered his commission with respect to the prophet. There he liberated him from the chains, which he had borne among all that were carried away captive (Jer 40:1) and committed him the second time to Gedaliah (Jer 40:6). With regard to the second point it should first of all be remarked that day, Jer 38:28, must not necessarily be understood in the most restricted sense. This word, as is well known, frequently designates the period of an historical event in general, without any thought of a day of twenty-four hours. Comp. Jer 7:25; Jer 11:7; Jdg 18:30, etc. If now we consider that the princes who, according to Jer 39:3, sat down in the middle gate, thus took possession of Jerusalem in the name of the Chaldean king, but could not undertake further measures with respect to the fate of the city till they had heard from him, it cannot truly be surprising that for four weeks, till the arrival of Nebuzar-adan (Jer 52:12) things remained essentially as before, and that thus Jeremiah could not be removed from the court of the guard. The absence of the Jer 39:11-13 in the LXX. (which moreover omits the whole section 413, while it has Jer 39:1-2) is of no significance, the reasons for it being apparent. The translator wished by the omission of Jer 39:11-12 to avoid an apparent contradiction, by the omission of Jer 39:13 a repetition. As to the fourth argument it falls to pieces of itself, in so far that Jer 39:13 seems necessary in any case, whether we regard Jer 39:11-12 as genuine or not. The names of the princes might indeed be named together after . But we see that the authors thoughts (after Jer 39:11-12) were so much occupied with Nebuzar-adan that he names him first and as the chief personage (hence Jer 39:13), adding the rest only by way of supplement. When now after the long series of names and titles he repeated the principal verb once more, and in the plural, this is evidently done purely in the interest of perspicuity. We cannot then regard the arguments against the genuineness of Jer 39:11-13 as valid. On the other hand the following positively favor the genuineness: 1. In point of idiom there is nothing which is foreign to the prophets usage. It is worth notice that in Jer 39:11 the name of the Chaldean king is Nebuchadrezzar (as Jeremiah is always accustomed to write it) while in Jer 39:5 we read Nebuchadnezzar. The expression is one current in Jeremiah. It is found thirty-eight times, more frequently than in any of the other prophets. The expression is found besides here and Jer 40:4 only in Gen 44:21. The phrase do him no harm (on the Dag. f. in comp. Olsh. 83, f.) is not indeed specifically Jeremian, but by no means as Graf asserts, an unnecessary explanatory addition. Could it have been unnecessary to enjoin on Nebuzar-adan that no harm should be done to Jeremiah? Was this beyond the reach of possibility? The actual fate of the prophet gives the answer to this question. Or could the be omitted? Then we should have an ambiguous expression. For, strictly taken, the sentence without would make it Nebuzar-adans duty to behave indifferently towards Jeremiah 2. It is in favor of the authenticity that the passage (Jer 39:11-13) is shown to be neither a foreign property, borrowed from elsewhere (like Jer 39:1-2; Jeremiah 4-10), nor an interruption of the connection, but on the contrary as necessary to furnish a perfectly clear picture of the occurrences. That the passage is not borrowed is acknowledged by all. That the course of Nebuzar-adan, as it is related in Jer 40:1-6 presupposes a commission of Nebuchadnezzar is involved in the nature of the case. For how could Nebuzar-adan dare to distinguish a single person with such favors if he had not been sure of the approval of his master? And is it then improbable that this approval was assured to him by a positive commission? Must an interpolator have invented this commission when Nebuchadnezzar may have heard a thousand times from the mouth of deserters that there was a prophet in Jerusalem who incessantly and with constant danger to his life had designated Nebuchadnezzar as an instrument in the hand of the Lord and submission to him as the only way of escape? And if Nebuchadnezzar had heard this, is there any reason for regarding the commission as the idle, unhistorical conjecture of a later editor? I believe that the narrative in Jer 39:11-14, in most intimate connection with Jer 39:3, presents us with the events in a perfectly natural manner, both as to form and contents. It is not at all necessary to take , Jer 39:11, as pluperfect. For this command was actually given after the event related in Jer 39:3, which we have regarded above as the act of solemn taking possession. After Nebuchadnezzar had received the news of the capture of Jerusalem he sent Nebuzar-adan with his further orders. Among these was one respecting the person of the prophet. This alone is here mentioned, as the subject of the verses Jer 39:3; Jer 39:11-14, is simply the personal experiences of Jeremiah. In the execution of this commission, the princes, at whose head no longer stood Nergalsharezer but Nebuzar-adan, had the prophet taken out of the court of the guard. This could not be done before, because till the arrival of Nebuchadnezzar all had to remain in general the same as it had been at the capture of the city. Jeremiah was now given in charge to Gedaliah, the son of Ahikam. This Ahikam, of a noble family (comp. 2Ki 22:12; 2Ki 22:14), had already favored the prophet (Jer 26:24). Gedaliah evidently belonged to that small party, who having taken Jeremiahs prophecies as the rule of their political course, had gone over to the Chaldeans (Jer 38:19). Gedaliah was to bring the prophet from the court of the guard . By this some have understood the temple (Hitzig), others the kings house (Graf, et al.). But according to Jer 52:13 (2Ki 25:9), both these were burned down by Nebuzar-adan, together with the other houses of Jerusalem, directly on his arrival. And assuredly those large public buildings were not the last to which the Chaldeans applied the destroying hand. It is credible that some private dwellings might be preserved to the last, to afford shelter to some privileged persons. Into the house may thus designate the genus, private dwelling in general, in contrast to quarters at the public expense, such as the court afforded, it thus remaining undecided whether the private dwelling in which Jeremiah was taken were Gedaliahs own house, or some other. In this private dwelling Jeremiah was not placed under confinement. He could freely go in and out. And so he had intercourse with the people, doubtless warning and comforting them with his prophetic words, and was thus in the vast confusion of the destruction, plundering and deportation, treated by the soldiers who had charge of the details like the mass of the populace, i.e., bound in chains, and placed in the trains of captives. Nebuchadnezzars order thus remained unobeyed, without any fault of Nebuzar-adan and Gedaliah, till they reached the station of Ramah.
DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL
1. On Jer 39:11-12. Elucet inde veritas illius Salomonis (Pro 21:1): Cor regis in manu Dei, quo vult illud inclinat. Frster.
2. On Jer 39:11-14. Nebuchadnezzar the king and Ebed-melech the Ethiopian enhanced the guilt of the Jews. For these, although they were heathens, were not shy of the prophet. The Jews, however, who had grown up with the prophetic words, paid no regard to the divine word, but on the contrary subjected the prophet to manifold maltreatment. Theodoret.
3. On Jer 39:11-14. Deus ex iisdem hominibus diversa singulis disponit prmia, qui ex iisdem elementis pro meritorum qualitate electis et reprobis diversas impendit remunerationes. Nam aqua maris rubri, qu cultores Dei illsos servabat Israelitas, eadem interfecit gyptios idololatras. Similiter flamma camini, qu regis Babylonis juxta fornacem atroces interfecit ministros, eadem laudantes et benedicentes Dominum in medio ignis conservavit pueros, unde vir sapiens in laudibus Dei ait: creatura enim tibi factori deserviens excandescit in tormentum adversus injustos et lenior fit ad benefaciendum pro his, qui in te confidunt (Sap. 16, 24). Rhabanus Maurus in Ghisler.
4. On Jer 39:15-18. Well for him, whose help is the God of Jacob, whose hope is in the Lord his God (Psa 146:5). Well for the people, whose God is the Lord (Psa 144:15). For of what avail was it to Zedekiah that he was king? And of what injury was it to Ebed-melech that he was a servant? For the former had to endure all on account of his ungodliness, while the latter on account of his piety suffered no evil. Theodoret.
5. On Jer 39:15-18. Ecce principes, qui Jeremiam expetiverunt ad carceris pnam, Chaldaic captivitatis perpessi sunt vindictam. Hic autem Eunuchus, qui prophetam liberavit de carcere, Domino remunerante perfecta potitus est libertate. Rhabanus Maurus in Ghisler.
6. On Jer 39:15-18. This pious courtier had interceded for the prophet with the king, but the prophet had again interceded for him with God the Lord. Ebed-melech had drawn him out of the pit, but Jeremiah draws him by his prayer from the jaws of all Chaldean war-vortices. Those who receive a prophet shall receive a prophets reward (Mat 10:41). Preachers do their patrons more good than they get from them. Cramer.
HOMILETICAL AND PRACTICAL
1. On Jer 39:11-14. Jeremiahs deliverance an example of how wonderfully the Lord helps His own. 1. While in Jerusalem his fellow believers hate and persecute him, the heathen king in Riblah thinks of him, and commands to liberate him. 2. While the city of Jerusalem with all its population perishes, he is protected and brought into safety.
2. On Jer 39:15-18. What can we learn from the example of the believing Ebed-melech? 1. That faith is not connected with limits of any external communion; 2, that assent and confidence pertain to its nature (Jer 39:18); 3, that there is an internal (Jer 39:16) and external (Jer 39:17) reward of faith.
Footnotes:
[1]Jer 38:28 b.These words cannot either logically or grammatically be connected with the previous context. The Vulg. and Chald. translate ungrammatically: et factum est, ut caperetur Hierosolyma. The Syr. omits the words altogether. The LXX. translate merely , connecting it immediately with Jer 39:1. On the other hand, an entirely appropriate sense and connection is furnished, if the words are connected with Jer 39:3. On , comp rems. on Jer 37:11. The Masoretes, moreover, objected to the present division of the text, as may be seen from their (lacuna in medio versu). Comp. Gesen.: Lehrgeb., S. 124; Hupfeld, Stud. u. Krit., 1837, S. 835. Similar cases are found in Gen 35:22; Num. 25:19; Jos 4:1; Eze 3:16, etc. Comp. Fuerst, Propyla Masor, 29 in the Concordance, p. 1369.In Jer 39:1 wanting in our text, possibly through the oversight of the transcriber; is likewise wanting before ; is contracted from the longer sentence and pitched against it, and built forts against it round about, so the city was besieged. Finally is contracted from the famine prevailed (was sore) in the city, and there was no bread for the people of the land, and the city was broken up. It is evident that the author of this text was concerned only to present the main thoughts.
[2]Jer 39:5.The expression for to hold judgment, occurs only in Jer 1:16; Jer 4:12; Jer 12:1. The present account also has the form hero only, while in 2Ki 25:6 we find . Moreover the expression is not found elsewhere with the following and with the meaning litigare, hold judgment, but it signifies elsewhere (Psa 37:30; Isa 32:7) simply to speak justice.This is a point which would favor the Jeremian origin of Jeremiah 52 (comp. Haevernick, Einl., II. 3, S. 233), if this grammatical agreement might not be due to other causes.
[3]Jer 39:10. is . .
Fuente: A Commentary on the Holy Scriptures, Critical, Doctrinal, and Homiletical by Lange
REFLECTIONS
READER! we peruse this portion of God’s holy word to little purpose, if so be that we do not, under his divine teaching, gather from it the blessed instructions it holds forth. For what is it that we behold in the different characters then, but the same as we behold in the different characters now; that the Lord’s children are conformed to his lovely image; and the children of the evil one to Satan their master. Their malice is against Christ and therefore it is manifested to his people. As then saith an Apostle, speaking of the days of old, he that was born after the flesh persecuted him that was born after the spirit, even so it is now. And so it will go on, until time shall be no more. And then the Lord will come, and take out of his kingdom all things that offend. Blessed Lord Jesus! I would say both for myself and Reader; give us to know, and see clearly, the marks of our adoption character. Let our souls discover, that our spots are the spots of God’s children. And then, like Paul, like Jeremiah, like all the faithful gone before, we shall be enabled to say, though bonds and imprisonment await us, yet none of these things will move us; neither shall we count our life dear to ourselves so that we finish our course with joy, and the calling we have received of the Lord Jesus to testify the gospel of the grace of God.
Fuente: Hawker’s Poor Man’s Commentary (Old and New Testaments)
Jer 38:28 So Jeremiah abode in the court of the prison until the day that Jerusalem was taken: and he was [there] when Jerusalem was taken.
Ver. 28. So Jeremiah abode in the court of the prison. ] Which now God had made to him a sanctuary of safety, and a very Bethlehem, or house of bread. God can easily turn a prison into a paradise, and brown bread and water into manchet and wine, as he did to the martyrs. One of them dated his letter thus, From the delectable orchard of the Leonine prison.
Fuente: John Trapp’s Complete Commentary (Old and New Testaments)
abode. See the note on Jer 37:16. further date: viz. “in the tenth day of the month”.
Fuente: Companion Bible Notes, Appendices and Graphics
Jer 38:13, Jer 15:20, Jer 15:21, Jer 37:21, Jer 39:14, Psa 23:4, 2Ti 3:11, 2Ti 4:17, 2Ti 4:18
Reciprocal: 2Ki 24:19 – And he did Jer 29:26 – that thou Jer 33:1 – he Jer 36:5 – General Lam 3:59 – thou hast Heb 11:36 – bonds
Fuente: The Treasury of Scripture Knowledge
Jer 38:28. Jeremiahs request was granted and he remained in the court (or yard surrounding the prison) of the prison until the end of the siege.
Fuente: Combined Bible Commentary
Zedekiah kept his word to Jeremiah, who was able to stay in the court of the guardhouse until the city fell to the Babylonians.
"Nothing is more marked throughout all this story than the absolute and unswerving loyalty of Jeremiah to the message of judgment which he was called on to deliver." [Note: Morgan, p. 334.]