Exegetical and Hermeneutical Commentary of Daniel 7:28
Hitherto [is] the end of the matter. As for me Daniel, my cogitations much troubled me, and my countenance changed in me: but I kept the matter in my heart.
28. Concluding remark on the vision.
Hitherto ] To this point: we should say Here (R.V.). Cf. Dan 12:6, lit. ‘ Until when shall be the end of the wonders?’
the end of the matter ] i.e. of the entire revelation, including both the vision and the interpretation.
my thoughts much alarmed me ] The expression, exactly as Dan 4:19, Dan 5:6; Dan 5:10.
and my brightness was changed upon me ] As Dan 5:9; cf. Dan 5:6; Dan 5:10.
but I kept, &c.] Cf. Luk 2:19, and especially Luk 2:51.
Fuente: The Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges
Hitherto is the end of the matter – That is, the end of what I saw and heard. This is the sum of what was disclosed to the prophet, but he still says that he meditated on it with profound interest, and that he had much solicitude in regard to these great events. The words rendered hitherto, mean, so far, or thus far. The phrase end of the matter, means the close of the saying a thing; that is, this was all the revelation which was made to him, and he was left to his own meditations respecting it.
As for me Daniel – So far as I was concerned; or so far as this had any effect on me. It was not unnatural, at the close of this remarkable vision, to state the effect that it had on himself.
My cogitations much troubled me – My thoughts in regard to it. It was a subject which he could not avoid reflecting on, and which could not but produce deep solicitude in regard to the events which were to occur. Who could look into the future without anxious and agitating thought? These events were such as to engage the profoundest attention; such as to fix the mind in solemn thought. Compare the notes at Rev 5:4.
And my countenance changed in me – The effect of these revelations depicted themselves on my countenance. The prophet does not say in what way – whether by making him pale, or careworn, or anxious, but merely that it produced a change in his appearance. The Chaldee is brightness – zyv – and the meaning would seem to be, that his bright and cheerful countenance was changed; that is, that his bright looks were changed; either by becoming pale (Gesenius, Lengerke), or by becoming serious and thoughtful.
But I kept the matter in my heart – I communicated to no one the cause of my deep and anxious thoughts. He hid the whole subject in his own mind, until he thought proper to make this record of what he had seen and heard. Perhaps there was no one to whom he could communicate the matter who would credit it; perhaps there was no one at court who would sympathize with him; perhaps he thought that it might savor of vanity if it were known; perhaps he felt that as no one could throw any new light on the subject, there would be no use in making it a subject of conversation; perhaps he felt so overpowered that he could not readily converse on it.
We are prepared now, having gone through with an exposition of this chapter, as to the meaning of the symbols, the words, and the phrases, to endeavor to ascertain what events are referred to in this remarkable prophecy, and to ask what events it was designed should be pourtrayed. And in reference to this there are but two opinions, or two classes of interpretations, that require notice: what refers it primarily and exclusively to Antiochus Epiphanes, and what refers it to the rise and character of the Papal power; what regards the fourth beast as referring to the empire of Alexander, and the little horn to Antiochus, and what regards the fourth beast as referring to the Roman empire, and the little horn to the Papal dominion. In inquiring which of these is the true interpretation, it will be proper, first, to consider whether it is applicable to Antiochus Epiphanes; secondly, whether it in fact finds a fulfillment in the Roman empire and the Papacy; and, thirdly, if such is the proper application, what are we to look for in the future in what remains unfulfilled in regard to the prophecy.
I. The question whether it is applicable to the case of Antiochus Epiphanes. A large class of interpreters, of the most respectable character, among whom are Lengerke, Maurer, Prof. Stuart (Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy, p. 86, following; also Com. on Daniel, pp. 205-211), Eichhorn, Bertholdt, Bleek, and many others, suppose that the allusion to Antiochus is clear, and that the primary, if not the exclusive, reference to the prophecy is to him. Professor Stuart (Hints, p. 86) says, The passage in Dan 7:25 is so clear as to leave no reasonable room for doubt. In Dan 7:8, Dan 7:20, Dan 7:24, the rise of Antiochus Epiphanes is described; for the fourth beast is, beyond all reasonable doubt, the divided Grecian dominion which succeeded the reign of Alexander the Great. From this dynasty springs Antiochus, Dan 7:8, Dan 7:20, who is most graphically described in Dan 7:25 as one who shall speak great words against the most High, etc.
The facts in regard to Antiochus, so far as they are necessary to be known in the inquiry, are briefly these: Antiochus Epiphanes (the Illustrios, a name taken on himself, Prideaux, iii. 213), was the son of Antiochus the Great, but succeeded his brother, Seleucus Philopator, who died 176 b.c. Antiochus reigned over Syria, the capital of which was Antioch, on the Oronres, from 176 b.c. to 164 b.c. His character, as that of a cruel tyrant, and a most bloodthirsty and bitter enemy of the Jews, is fully detailed in the first and second book of Maccabees. Compare also Prideaux, Con. vol. iii. 213-234. The facts in the case of Antiochus, so far as they are supposed to bear on the application of the prophecy before us, are thus stated by Prof. Stuart (Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy, pp. 89, 90): In the year 168 before Christ, in the month of May, Antiochus Epiphanes was on his way to attack Egypt, and he detached Apollonius, one of his military confidants, with 22,000 soldiers, in order to subdue and plunder Jerusalem. The mission was executed with entire success. A horrible slaughter was made of the men at Jerusalem, and a large portion of the women and children, being made captives, were sold and treated as slaves. The services of the temple were interrupted, and its joyful feasts were turned into mourning, 1 Macc. 1:37-39. Soon after this the Jews in general were compelled to eat swines flesh, and to sacrifice to idols. In December of that same year, the temple was profaned by introducing the statue of Jupiter Olympius; and on the 25th of that month sacrifices were offered to that idol on the altar of Jehovah. Just three years after this last event, namely, December 25, 165 b.c., the temple was expurgated by Judas Maccabeus, and the worship of Jehovah restored.
Thus, three years and a half, or almost exactly this period, passed away, while Antiochus had complete possession and control of everything in and around Jerusalem and the temple. It may be noted, also, that just three years passed, from the time when the profanation of the temple was carried to its greatest height – namely, by sacrificing to the statue of Jupiter Olympius on the altar of Jehovah, down to the time when Judas renewed the regular worship. I mention this last circumstance in order to account for the three years of Antiochus profanations, which are named as the period of them in Joseptus, Ant. xii. 7, Section 6. This period tallies exactly with the time during which the profanation as consummated was carried on, if we reckon down to the period when the temple worship was restored by Judas Maceabeus. But in Prooem. ad Bell. Jud. Section 7, and Bell. Jud. 1. 1, Section 1, Josephus reckons three years and a half as the period during which Antiochus ravaged Jerusalem and Judea.
In regard to this statement, while the general facts are correct, there are some additional statements which should be made, to determine as to its real bearing on the case. The act of detaching Apollonius to attack Jerusalem was not, as is stated in this extract, when Antiochus was on his way to Egypt, but was on his return from Egypt, and was just two years after Jerusalem had been taken by Antiochus. – Prideaux, iii. 239. The occasion of his detaching Apollonius, was that Antiochus was enraged because he had been defeated in Egypt by the Romans, and resolved to vent all his wrath upon the Jews, who at that time had given him no particular offence. When, two years before, Antiochus had himself taken Jerusalem, he killed forty thousand persons; he took as many captives, and sold them for slaves; he forced himself into the temple, and entered the most holy place; he caused a great sow to be offered on the altar of burnt-offering, to show his contempt for the temple and the Jewish religion; he sprinkled the broth over every part of the temple for the purpose of polluting it; he plundered the temple of the altar of incense, the showbread table, and the golden candlestick, and then returned to Antioch, having appointed Philip, a Phrygian, a man of a cruel and barbarous temper, to be governor of the Jews. – Prideaux, iii. 231.
When Apollonius again attacked the city, two years afterward, he waited quietly until the Sabbath, and then made his assault. He filled the city with blood, set it on fire, demolished the houses, pulled down the walls, built a strong fortress over against the temple, from which the garrison could fall on all who should attempt to go to worship. From this time, the temple became deserted, and the daily sacrifices were omitted, until the service was restored by Judas Maccabeus, three years and a half after. The time during which this continued was, in fact, just three years and a half, until Judas MaccaUcus succeeded in expelling the pagan from the temple and from Jerusalem, when the temple was purified, and was solemnly reconsecrated to the worship of God. See Prideaux, Con. iii. 240, 241, and the authorities there cited.
Now, in reference to this interpretation, supposing that the prophecy relates to Antiochus, it must be admitted that there are coincidences which are remarkable, and it is on the ground of these coincidences that the prophecy has been applied to him. These circumstances are such as the following:
(a) The general character of the authority that would exist as denoted by the little horn, as that of severity and cruelty. None could be better fitted to represent that than the character of Antiochus Epiptianes. Compare Prideaux, Con. iii. 213, 214.
(b) His arrogance and blasphemy – speaking great words against the Most High. Nothing is easier than to find what would be a fulfillment of this in the character of Antiochus – in his sacrilegious entrance into the most holy places; in his setting up the statue of Jupiter; in his offering a sow as a sacrifice on the great altar; in His sprinkling the broth of swine on the temple in contempt of the Hebrews and their worship, and in his causing the daily sacrifice at the temple to cease.
(c) His making war with the saints, and wearing out the saints of the Most High – all this could be found accomplished in the wars which Antiochus waged against the Jews in the slaughter of so many thousands, and in sending so many into hopeless slavery.
(d) His attempt to change times and laws – this could be found to have been fulfilled in the case of Antiochus – in his arbitrary character, and in his interference with the laws of the Hebrews.
(e) The time, as above stated, is the most remarkable coincidence. If this is not to be regarded as referring exclusively to Antiochus, it must be explained on one of two suppositions – either that it is one of those coincidences which will be found to happen in history, as coincidences happen in dreams; or as having a double reference, intended to refer primarily to Antiochus, but in a secondary and more important sense referring also to other events having a strong resemblance to this; or, in other words, that the language was designedly so couched as to relate to two similar classes of events. It is not to be regarded as very remarkable, however, that it is possible to find a fulfillment of these predictions in Antiochus, though it be supposed that the design was to describe the Papacy, for some of the expressions are of so general a character that they could be applied to many events which have occurred, and, from the nature of the case, there were strong points of resemblance between Antiochus and the Papal power. It is not absolutely necessary, therefore, to suppose that this had reference to Antiochus Epiphanes; and there are so many objections to this view as to make it, it seems to me, morally impossible that it should have had such a reference. Among these objections are the following:
(1) This interpretation makes it necessary to divide the kingdom of the Medes and Persians, and to consider them two kingdoms, as Eichhorn, Jahn, Dereser, DeWette, and Bleek do. In order to this interpretation, the following are the kingdoms denoted by the four beasts – by the first, the Chaldee; by the second, the Medish; by the third, the Persian; and by the fourth, the Macedonian, or the Macedonian-Asiatic kingdom under Alexander the Great. But to say nothing now of any other difficulties, it is an insuperable objection to this, that so far as the kingdoms of the Medes and Persians are mentioned in Scripture, and so far as they play any part in the fulfillment of prophecy, they are always mentioned as one. They appear as one; they act as one; they are regarded as one. The kingdom of the Medes does not appear until it is united with that of the Persians, and this remark is of special importance when they are spoken of as succeeding the kingdom of Babylon. The kingdom of the Medes was contemporaneous with that of Babylon; it was the Mede-Persian kingdom that was in any proper sense the successor of that of Babylon, as described in these symbols. The kingdom of the Medes, as Hengstenberg well remarks, could in no sense be said to have succeeded that of Babylon any longer than during the reign of Cyaxares II, after the taking of Babylon: and even during that short period of two years, the government was in fact in the hands of Cyrus. – Die Authentic des Daniel, p. 200. Schlosser (p. 243) says, the kingdom of the Medes and Persians is to be regarded as in fact one and the same kingdom, only that in the change of the dynasty another branch obtained the authority. See particularly, Rosenmuller, Alterthumskunde, i. 290, 291. These two kingdoms are in fact always blended – their laws, their customs, their religion, and they are mentioned as one. Compare Est 1:3, Est 1:18-19; Est 10:2; Dan 5:28; Dan 6:8, Dan 6:12, Dan 6:15.
(2) In order to this interpretation, it is necessary to divide the empire founded by Alexander, and instead of regarding it as one, to consider what existed when he reigned as one; and that of Antiochus, one of the successors of Alexander, as another. This opinion is maintained by Bertholdt, who supposes that the first beast represented the Babylonian kingdom; the second, the kingdom of the Medes and Persians; the third, that of Alexander; and the fourth the kingdoms that sprang out of that. In order to this, it is necessary to suppose that the four heads and wings, and the ten horns, equally represent that kingdom, or sprang from it – the four heads, the kingdom when divided at the death of Alexander, and the ten horns, powers that ultimately sprang up from the same dominion. But this is contrary to the whole representation in regard to the Asiatic-Macedonian empire. In Dan 8:8-9, where there is an undoubted reference to that empire, it is said the he-goat waxed very great: and when he was strong, the great horn was broken; and for it came up four notable ones toward the four winds of heaven. And out of one of them came forth a little horn, which waxed exceeding great, toward the south, etc. Here is an undoubted allusion to Alexander, and to his followers, and particularly to Antiochus, but no mention of any such division as is necessary to be supposed if the fourth beast represents the power that succeeded Alexander in the East. In no place is the kingdom of the successors of Alexander divided from his in the same sense in which the kingdom of the Medes and Persians is from that of Babylon, or the kingdom of Alexander from that of the Persians. Compare Hengstenberg, as above, pp. 203-205.
(3) The supposition that the fourth beast represents either the kingdom of Alexander, or, according to Bertholdt and others, the successors of Alexander, by no means agrees with the character of that beast as compared with the others. That beast was far more formidable, and more to be dreaded than either of the others. It had iron teeth and brazen claws; it stamped down all before it, and broke all to pieces, and manifestly represented a far more fearful dominion than either of the others. The same is true in regard to the parallel representation in Dan 2:33, Dan 2:40, of the fourth kingdom represented by the legs and feet of iron, as more terrific than either of those denoted by the gold, the silver, or the brass. But this representation by no means agrees with the character of the kingdom of either Alexander or his successors, and in fact would not be true of them. It would agree well, as we shall see, with the Roman power, even as contrasted with that of Babylon, Persia, or Macedon; but it is not the representation which would, with propriety, be given of the empire of Alexander, or his successors, as contrasted with those which preceded them. Compare Hengstenberg, as above, pp. 205-207. Moreover, this does not agree with what is expressly said of this power that should succeed that of Alexander, in a passage undoubtedly referring to it, in Dan 8:22, where it is said, Now that being broken, whereas four stood up for it, four kingdoms shall stand up out of the nation, but not in his power.
(4) On this supposition it is impossible to determine who are meant by the ten horns of the fourth beast Dan 7:7, and the ten kings Dan 7:24 that are represented by these. All the statements in Daniel that refer to the Macedonian kingdom Dan 7:6; Dan 8:8, Dan 8:22 imply that the Macedonian empire in the East, when the founder died, would be divided into four great powers or monarchies – in accordance with what is well known to have been the fact. But who are the ten kings or sovereignties that were to exist under this general Macedonian power, on the supposition that the fourth beast represents this? Bertholdt supposes that the ten horns are ten Syrian kings, and that the eleventh little horn is Antiochus Epiphanes. The names of these kings, according to Bertholdt (pp. 432, 433), are Seleucus Nicator, Antiochus Sorer, Antiochus Theos, Seleucus Callinicus, Seleucus Ceraunus, Antiochus the Great, Seleucus Philopator, Heliodorus, Ptolemy Philometor, and Demetrius. So also Prof. Stuart, Com. on Dan. p. 208. But it is impossible to make out this exact number of Syrian kings from history, to say nothing now of the improbability of supposing that their power was represented by the fourth beast. These kings were not of the same dynasty, of Syria, of Macedonia, or of Egypt, but the list is made up of different kingdoms. Grotius (in loc.) forms the catalogue of ten kings out of the lists of the kings of Syria and Egypt – five out of one, and five out of the other; but this is manifestly contrary to the intention of the prophecy, which is to represent them as springing out of one and the same power. It is a further objection to this view, that these are lists of successive kings – rising up one after the other; whereas the representation of the ten horns would lead us to suppose that they existed simultaneously; or that somehow there were ten powers that sprang out of the one great power represented by the fourth beast.
(5) Equally difficult is it, on this supposition, to know who are intended by the three horns that were plucked up by the little horn that sprang up among the ten, Dan 7:8. Grotius, who regards the little horn as representing Antiochus Epiphanes, supposes that the three horns were his elder brothers, Seleucus, Demetrius, the son of Seleucus, and Ptolemy Philopator, king of Egypt. But it is an insuperable objection to this that the three kings mentioned by Grotius are not all in his list of ten kings, neither Ptolemy Philometor (if Philometor he meant), nor Demetrius being of the number. – Newton on the Proph. p. 211. Neither were they plucked up by the roots by Antiochus, or by his order. Seieueus was poisoned by his treasurer, Helioderus, whose aim it was to usurp the crown for himself, before Antiochus came from Rome, where he had been detained as a hostage for several years. Demetrius lived to dethrone and murder the son of Antiochus, and succeeded him in the kingdom of Syria. Ptolemy Philopater died king of Egypt almost thirty years before Antiochus came to the throne of Syria; or if Ptolemy Philometer, as is most probable, was meant by Grotius, though he suffered much in the wars with Antiochus, yet he survived him about eighteen years, and died in possession of the crown of Egypt. – Newton, ut supra. Bertlholdt supposes that the three kings were Heliodorus, who poisoned Seleucus Philopater, and sought, by the help of a party, to obtain the throne; Ptolemy Philometor, king of Egypt, who, as sisters son to the king, laid claim to the throne; and Demetrius, who, as son of the former king, was legitimate heir to the throne. But there are two objections to this view;
(a) that the representation by the prophet is of actual kings – which these were not; and
(b) that Antiochus ascended the throne peaceably; Demetrius, who would have been regarded as the king of Syria, not being able to make his title good, was detained as a hostage at Rome. Hengstenberg, pp. 207, 208. Prof Stuart, Com. on Dan., pp. 208, 209, supposes that the three kings referred to were Heliodorus, Ptolemy Philometer, and Demetrius I; but in regard to these it should be observed, that they were mere pretenders to the throne, whereas the text in Daniel supposes that they would be actual kings. Compare Hengstenberg, p. 208.
(6) The time mentioned here, on the supposition that literally three years and a half Dan 7:25 are intended, does not agree with the actual dominion of Antiochus. In an undoubted reference to him in Dan 8:13-14, it is said that the vision concerning the daily sacrifice, and the transgression of desolation, would be unto two thousand and three hundred days; then shall the sanctuary be cleansed; that is, one thousand and forty days, or some two years and ten months more than the time mentioned here. I am aware of the difficulty of explaining this (see Prof. Stuart, Hints on the Interpretation of Prophecy, p. 98, following), and the exact menning of the passage in Dan 8:13-14, will come up for consideration hereafter; but it is an objection of some force to the application of the time, and times, and dividing of a time Dan 7:25 to Antiochus, that it is not the same time which is applied to him elsewhere.
(7) And, one more objection to this application is, that, in the prophecy, it is said that he who was represented by the little horn would continue until the Ancient of days should sit, and evidently until the kingdom should be taken by the one in the likeness of the Son of man, Dan 7:9-10, Dan 7:13-14, Dan 7:21-22, Dan 7:26. But if this refers to Antiochus, then these events must refer to the coming of the Messiah, and to the setting up of his kingdom in the world. Yet, as a matter of fact; Antiochus died about 164 years before the Saviour came, and there is no way of showing that he continued until the Messiah came in the flesh.
These objections to the opinion that this refers to Antiochus Epiphanes seem to me to be insuperable.
II. The question whether it refers to the Roman empire and the Papal power. The fair inquiry is, whether the things referred to in the vision actually find such a correspondence in the Roman empire and the Papacy, that they would fairly represent them if the symbols had been made use of after the events occurred. Are they such as we might properly use now as describing the portions of those events that are past, on the supposition that the reference was to those events? To determine this, it will be proper to refer to the things in the symbol, and to inquire whether events corresponding to them have actually occurred in the Roman empire and the Papacy. Recalling the exposition which has been above given of the explanation furnished by the angel to Daniel, the things there referred to will find an ample and a striking fulfillment in the Roman empire and the Papal power.
(1) The fourth kingdom, symbolized by the fourth beast, is accurately represented by the Roman power. This is true in regard to the place which that power would occupy in the history of the world, on the supposition that the first three referred to the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian, and the Macedonian. On this supposition there is no need of regarding the Medo-Persian empire as divided into two, represented by two symbols; or the kingdom founded by Alexander – the Asiatic-Macedonian – as distinct from that of his successors. As the Medo-Persian was in fact one dominion, so was the Macedonian under Alexander, and in the form of the four dynasties into which it was divided on his death, and down to the time when the whole was subverted by the Roman conquests. On this supposition, also, everything in the symbol is fulfilled. The fourth beast – so mighty, so terrific, so powerful, so unlike all the others, armed with iron teeth, and with claws of brass, trampling down and stamping on all the earth – well represents the Roman dominion.
The symbol is such a one as we should now use appropriately to represent that power, and in every respect that empire was well represented by the symbol. It may be added, also, that this supposition corresponds with the obvious interpretation of the parallel place in Dan 2:33, Dan 2:40, where the same empire is referred to in the image by the legs and feet of iron. See the note at that passage. It should be added, that this fourth kingdom is to be considered as prolonged through the entire continuance of the Roman power, in the various forms in which that power has been kept up on the earth – alike under the empire, and when broken up into separate sovereignties, and when again concentrated and embodied under the Papacy. That fourth power or dominion was to be continued, according to the prediction here, until the establishment of the kingdom of the saints. Either, then, that kingdom of the saints has come, or has been set up, or the fourth kingdom, in some form, still remains.
The truth is, that in prophecy the entire Roman dominion seems to be contemplated as one – one mighty and formidable power trampling down the liberties of the world; oppressing and persecuting the people of God – the true church; and maintaining an absolute and arbitrary dominion over the souls of men – as a mighty domination standing in the way of the progress of truth, and keeping back the reign of the saints on the earth. In these respects the Papal dominion is, and has been, but a prolongation, in another form, of the influence of pagan Rome, and the entire domination may be represented as one, and might be symbolized by the fourth beast in the vision of Daniel. When that power shall cease, we may, according to the prophecy, look for the time when the kingdom shall be given to the saints, or when the true kingdom of God shall be set up all over the world.
(2) Out of this one sovereignty, represented by the fourth beast, ten powers or sovereignties, represented by the ten horns, were to arise. It was shown in the exposition, that these would all spring out of that one dominion, and would wield the power that was wielded by that; that is, that the one great power would be broken up and distributed into the number represented by ten. As the horns all appeared at the same time on the beast, and did not spring up after one another, so these powers would be simultaneous, and would not be a mere succession; and as the horns all sprang from the beast, so these powers would all have the same origin, and be a portion of the same one power now divided into many. The question then is, whether the Roman power was in fact distributed into so many sovereignties at any period such as would be represented by the springing up of the little horn – if that refers to the Papacy. Now, one has only to look into any historical work, to see how in fact the Roman power became distributed and broken up in this way into a large number of kingdoms, or comparatively petty sovereignties, occupying the portions of the world once governed by Rome. In the decline of the empire, and as the new power represented by the little horn arose, there was a complete breaking up of the one power that was formerly wielded, and a large number of states and kingdoms sprang out of it.
To see that there is no difficulty in making out the number ten, or that some such distribution and breaking up of the one power is naturally suggested, I cast my eye on the historical chart of Lyman, and found the following kingdoms or sovereignties specified as occupying the same territory which was possessed by the Roman empire, and springing from that – namely, the Vandals, Alans, Suevi, Heruli, Franks, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, Burgundians, Lombards, Britons. The Roman empire as such had ceased, and the power was distributed into a large number of comparatively petty sovereignties – well represented at this period by the ten horns on the head of the beast. Even the Romanists themselves admit that the Roman empire was, by means of the incursions of the northern nations, dismembered into ten kingdoms (Calmet on Rev 13:1; and he refers likewise to Berengaud, Bossuet, and Dupin. See Newton, p. 209); and Machiaveli (Hist. of Flor. 1. i.), with no design of furnishing an illustration of this prophecy, and probably with no recollection of it, has mentioned these names:
1, the Ostrogoths in Moesia;
2, the Visigoths in Pannonia;
3, the Sueves and Alans in Gascoign and Spain;
4, the Vandals in Africa;
5, the Franks in France;
6, the Burgundians in Burgundy;
7, the Heruli and Turingi in Italy;
8, the Saxons and Angles in Britain;
9, the Huns in Hungary;
10, the Lombards at first upon the Danube, afterward in Italy.
The arrangement proposed by Sir Isaac Newton is the following:
1, The kingdom of the Vandals and Alans in Spain and Africa;
2, the kingdom of the Suevians in Spain;
3, the kingdom of the Visigoths;
4, the kingdom of the Alans in Gallia;
5, the kingdom of the Burgundians;
6, the kingdom of the Franks;
7, the kingdom of the Britons;
8. the kingdom of the Huns;
9, the kingdom of the Lombards;
10, the kingdom of Ravenna.
Compare also Duffield on the Prophecies, pp. 279, 280. For other arrangements constituting the number ten, as embracing the ancient power of the Roman empire, see Newton on the Prophecies, pp. 209, 210. There is some slight variation in the arrangements proposed by Mr. Mede, Bishop Lloyd, and Sir Isaac Newton; but still it is remarkable that it is easy to make out that number with so good a degree of certainty, and particularly so, that it should have been suggested by a Romanist himself. Even if it is not practicable to make out the number with strict exactness, or if all writers do not agree in regard to the dynasties constituting the number ten, we should bear in remembrance the fact that these powers arose in the midst of great confusion; that one kingdom arose and another fell in rapid succession; and that there was not that entire certainty of location and boundary which there is in old and established states. One thing is certain, that there never has been a case in which an empire of vast power has been broken up into small sovereignties, to which this description would so well apply as to the rise of the numerous dynasties in the breaking up of the vast Roman power; and another thing is equally certain, that if we were now to seek an appropriate symbol of the mighty Roman power – of its conquests, and of the extent of its dominion, and of the condition of that empire, about the time that the Papacy arose, we could not find a more striking or appropriate symbol than that of the terrible fourth beast with iron teeth and brazen claws – stamping the earth beneath his feet, and with ten horns springing out of his head.
(3) in the midst of these there sprang up a little horn that had remarkable characteristics. The inquiry now is, if this does not represent Antiochus, whether it finds a proper fulfillment in the Papacy. Now, in regard to this inquiry, the slightest acquaintance with the history and claims of the Papal power will show that there was a striking appropriateness in the symbol – such an appropriateness, that if we desired now to find a symbol that would represent this, we could find no one better adapted to it than that employed by Daniel.
(a) The little horn would spring up among the others, and stand among them – as dividing the power with them, or sharing or wielding that power. That is, on the supposition that it refers to the Papacy, the Papal power would spring out of the Roman empire; would be one of the sovereignties among which that vast power would be divided, and share with the other ten in wielding authority. It would be an eleventh power added to the ten. And who can be ignorant that the Papal power at the beginning, when it first asserted civil authority, sustained just such a relation to the crumbled and divided Roman empire as this? It was just one of the powers into which that vast sovereignty passed.
(b) It would not spring up contemporaneously with them, but would arise in their midst, when they already existed. They are seen in vision as actually existing together, and this new power starts up among them. What could be more strikingly descriptive of the Papacy – as a power arising when the great Roman authority was broken to fragments, and distributed into a large number of sovereignties?. Then this new power was seen to rise – small at first, but gradually gaining strength, until it surpassed any one of them in strength, and assumed a position in the world which no one of them had. The representation is exact. It is not a foreign power that invaded them; it starts up in the midst of them – springing out of the head of the same beast, and constituting a part of the same mighty domination that ruled the world.
(c) It would be small at first, but would soon become so powerful as to pluck up and displace three of the others. And could any symbol have been better chosen to describe the Papal power than this? Could we find any now that would better describe it? Any one needs to have but the slightest acquaintance with the history of the Papal power to know that it was small at its beginnings, and that its ascendency over the world was the consequence of slow but steady growth. Indeed, so feeble was it at its commencement, so undefined were its first appearance and form, that one of the most difficult things in history is to know exactly when it did begin, or to determine the exact date of its origin as a distinct power. Different schemes in the interpretation of prophecy turn wholly on this. We see, indeed, that power subsequently strongly marked in its character, and exerting a mighty influence in the world – having subjugated nations to its control; we see causes for a long time at work tending to this, and can trace their gradual operation in producing it, but the exact period when its dominion began, what was the first characteristic act of the Papacy as such, what constituted its precise beginning as a peculiar power blending and combining a peculiar civil and ecclesiastical authority, no one is able with absolute certainty to determine. Who can fix the exact date? Who can tell precisely when it was? It is true that there were several distinct acts, or the exercise of civil authority, in the early history of the Papacy, but what was the precise beginning of that power no one has been able to determine with so much certainty as to leave no room for doubt. Any one can see with what propriety the commencement of such a power would be designated by a little horn springing up among others.
(d) It would grow to be mighty, for the little horn thus grew to be so powerful as to pluck up three of the horns of the beast. Of the growth of the power of the Papacy no one can be ignorant who has any acquaintance with history. It held nations in subjection, and claimed and exercised the right of displacing and distributing crowns as it pleased.
(e) It would subdue three kings; that is, three of the ten represented by the ten horns. The prophet saw this at some point in its progress when three fell before it, or were overthrown by it. There might have been also other points in its history when it might have been seen as having overthrown more of them – perhaps the whole ten, but the attention was arrested by the fact that, soon after its rise, three of the ten were seen to fall before it. Now, in regard to the application of this, it may be remarked,
(1) That it does not apply, as already shown, to Antiochus Epiphanes – there being no sense in which he overthrew three of the princes that occupied the throne in the succession from Alexander, to say nothing of the fact that these were contemporaneous kings or kingdoms.
(2) there is no other period in history, and there are no other events to which it could be applied except either to Antiochus or the Papacy.
(3) in the confusion that existed on the breaking up of the Roman empire, and the imperfect accounts of the transactions which occurred in the rise of the Papal power, it would not be wonderful if it should be difficult to find events distinctly recorded that would be in all respects an accurate and absolute fulfillment of the vision.
(4) yet it is possible to make out the fulfillment of this with a good degree of certainty in the history of the Papacy. If applicable to the Papal power, what seems to be demanded is, that three of these ten kingdoms, or sovereignties should be rooted up by that power; that they should cease to exist as separate sovereignties; that they should be added to the sovereignty that should spring up; and that, as distinct kingdoms, they should cease to play a part in the history of the world. The three sovereignties thus transplanted, or rooted up, are supposed by Mr. Mede to have been the Greeks, the Longobards, and the Franks. Sir Isaac Newton supposes they were the Exarchate of Ravenna, the Lombards, and the senate and dukedom of Rome. The objections which may be made to these suppositions may be seen in Newton on the Prophecies, pp. 216, 217. The kingdoms which he supposes are to be referred to were the following:
First. The Exarchate of Ravenna. This of right belonged to the Greek emperors. This was the capital of their dominions in Italy. It revolted at the instigation of the Pope, and was seized by Astolphus, king of the Lombards, who thought to make himself master of Italy. The Pope in his exigency applied for aid to Pepin, king of France, who marched into Italy, besieged the Lombards in Pavia, and forced them to surrender the Exarchate and other territories in Italy. These were not restored to the Greek emperor, as they in justice should have been, but, at the solicitation of the Pope, were given to Peter and his successors for perpetual possession. And so, says Platina, the name of the Exarchate, which had continued from the time of Narses to the taking of Ravenna, one hundred and seventy years, was extinguished. – Lives of the Popes. This, according to Sigonius, was effected in the year 755. See Gibbon, Dec. and Fall, vol. ii. 224; iii. 332, 334, 338. From this period, says Bp. Newton, the Popes being now become temporal princes, no longer date their epistles and bulls by the years of the emperors reign, but by the years of their own advancement to the Papal chair.
Secondly. The kingdom of the Lombards. This kingdom was troublesome to the Popes. The dominions of the Pope were invaded by Desiderius, in the time of Pope Adrian I. Application was again made to the king of France, and Charles the Great, the son and successor of Pepin, invaded the Lombards; and desirous of enlarging his own dominions, conquered the Lombards, put an end to their kingdom, and gave a great part of their territory to the Pope. This was the end of the kingdom of the Lombards, in the 206th year after their obtaining possessions in Italy, and in the year of our Lord 774. See Gibbon, Dec. and Fall, vol. iii. 335.
Thirdly. The Roman States subjected to the Popes in a civil sense. Though subjected to the Pope spiritually, yet for a long time the Roman people were governed by a senate, and retained many of their old privileges, and elected both the Western Emperors and the Popes. This power, however, as is well known, passed into the hands of the Popes, and has been retained by them to the present time, the Pope having continued to be the civil as well as the ecclesiastical head. See Bp. Newton, pp. 319, 320. All semblance of the freedom of ancient Rome passed away, and this Roman dominion, as such, ceased to be, being completely absorbed in the Papacy. The Saxons, the Franks, etc., continued their independence as civil powers; these states passed entirely into the dominion of the Pope, and as independent kingdoms or sovereignties ceased to be. This is the solution in regard to the three horns that were to be plucked up, as given by Bp. Newton. Absolute certainly in a case of this kind is not to be expected in the confusion and indefiniteness of that portion of history, nor can it be reasonably demanded.
If there were three of these powers planted in regions that became subject to the Papal power, and that disappeared or were absorbed in that one dominion constituting the peculiarity of the Papal dominion, or which entered into the Roman Papal state, considered as a sovereignty by itself among the nations of the earth, this is all that is required. Mr. Faber supposes the three to have been these; the Herulo-Turingic, the Ostrogothic, and the Lombardie, and says of them, that they were necessarily eradicated in the immediate presence of the Papacy, before which they were geographically standing – and that the temporal principality which bears the name of Peters patrimony, was carved out of the mass of their subjugated dominions. – Sacred Calendar, vol. ii. p. 102. Prof. Gaussen (Discourse on Popery: Geneva, 1844) supposes that the three kings or kingdoms here referred to were the Heruli, the Ostrogoths, and the Lombards. According to Bower (Lives of the Popes, vol. ii. 108, Dr. Coxs edition, note), the temporal dominions granted by Pepin to the Pope, or of which the Pope became possessed in consequence of the intervention of the kings of France, were the following:
(1) The Exarchate of Ravenna, which comprised, according to Sigonius, the following cities: Ravenna, Bologna, Imola, Fienza, Forlimpoli, Forli, Cesena, Bobbio, Ferrara, Commachio. Adria, Servia, and Secchia
(2) The Pentapolis, comprehending Rimini, Pesaro, Coneha, Fano, Sinigalia, Ancono, Osimo, Umono, Jesi, Fossombrone, Monteferetro, Urbino, Cagli, Lucoli, and Eugubio.
(3) the city and dukedom of Rome, containing several cities of note, which had withdrawn themselves from all subjection to the emperor, had submitted to Peter ever since the time of Pope Gregory II. See also Bower, ii. 134, where he says, The Pope had, by Charlemagne, been put in possession of the Exarchate, the Pentapolis, and the dukedom of Spoleti (embracing the city and dukedom of Rome). And again, on the same page (note): The Pope possessed the Exarchate, the Pentapolis, and the dukedom of Spoleti, with the city and dukedom of Rome. It should be remembered that these statements are made by historians with no reference to any supposed fulfillment of this prophecy, and no allusion to it, but as matters of simple historical fact, occurring in the regular course of history. The material fact to be made out in order to show that this description of the little horn is applicable to the Papacy is, that at the – commencement of what was properly the Papacy – that is, as I suppose, the union of the spiritual and temporal power, or the assumption, of temporal authority by him who was Bishop of Rome, and who had been before regarded as a mere spiritual or ecclesiastical ruler, there was a triple jurisdiction assumed or conceded, a threefold domination; or a union under himself of what had been three sovereignties, that now disappeared as independent administrations, and whose distinct governments were now merged in the one single sovereignty of the Pope. Now, that there was, just at this time, or at the beginning of the Papacy, or when it had so increased that it could be recognized as having a place among the temporal sovereignties of the earth, such a united domination, or such a union of three separate powers under one, will be apparent from an extract from Mr. Gibbon. He is speaking of the rewards conferred on the Pope by the Carlovingian race of kings, on account of the favor shown to them in his conferring the crown of France on Pepin, the mayor of the palace – directing in his favor over Childeric, the descendant of Clovis. Of this transaction, Mr. Gibbon observes, in general (iii. 336), that the mutual obligations of the Popes and the Carlovingian family form the important link of ancient and modern, of civil and ecclesiastical history. He then proceeds
(1) to specify the gifts or favors which the Popes conferred on the Carlovingian race; and
(2) those which, in return, Pepin and Charlemagne bestowed on the Popes. In reference to the latter, he makes the following statement (iii. 338): The gratitude of the Carlovingians was adequate to these obligations, and their names are consecrated as the saviours and benefactors of the Roman church. Her ancient patrimony of farms and houses was transformed by their bounty into the temporal dominion of cities and provinces, and the donation of the Exarchate was the first-fruits of the conquests of Pepin. Astolphus (king of the Lombards) with a sigh relinquished his prey; the keys and the hostages of the principal cities were delivered to the French ambassador; and in his masters name he presented them before the tomb of Peter. The ample measure of the Exarchate might comprise all the provinces of Italy which had obeyed the emperor or his vicegerent; but its strict and proper limits were included in the territories of Ravenna, Bologna, and Ferrara; its inseparable dependency was the Pentapolis, which stretched along the Adriatic from Rimini to Ancona, and advanced into the midland country as far as the ridge of the Apennines. In this transaction, the ambition and avarice of the Popes have been severely condemned.
Perhaps the humility of a Christian priest should have rejected an earthly kingdom, which it was not easy for him to govern without renouncing the virtues of his profession. Perhaps a faithful subject, or even a generous enemy, would have been less impatient to divide the spoils of the barbarian; and if the emperor had entrusted Stephen to solicit in his name the restitution of the Exarchate, I will not absolve the Pope from the reproach of treachery and falsehood. But, in the rigid interpretation of the laws, every one may accept, without inquiry, whatever his benefactor may bestow without injustice. The Greek emperor had abdicated or forfeited his right to the Exarctiate; and the sword of Astolphus was broken by the stronger sword of the Carlovingian. It was not in the cause of the Iconoclast that Pepin had exposed his person and army in a double expedition beyond the Alps; he possessed, and he might lawfully alienate his conquests: and to the importunities of the Greeks he piously replied, that no human consideration should tempt him to resume the gift which he had conferred on the Roman pontiff for the remission of his sins and the salvation of his soul.
The splendid donation was granted in supreme and absolute dominion, and the world beheld for the first time a Cristian bishop invested with the prerogatives of a temporal prince, the choice of magistrates, the exercise of justice, the imposition of taxes, and the wealth of the palace of Ravenna. In the dissolution of the Lombard kingdom, the inhabitants of the duchy of Spoleti sought a refuge from the storm, shaved their heads after the Ravenna fashion, declared themselves the servants and subjects of Peter, and completed, by this voluntary surrender, the present circle of the Ecclesiastical State. The following things are apparent from this extract:
(a) That here, according to Mr. Gibbon, was the beginning of the temporal power of the Pope.
(b) That this was properly, in the view above taken, the commencement of the Papacy as a distinct and peculiar dominion.
(c) That in this there was a threefold government, or three temporal sovereignties united under him, and constituting at that time, in the language of Mr. Gibbon, the present circle of the ecclesiastical state. There was, first, the Exarchate of Ravenna; secondly, the Pentapolis, which, he says, was its inseparable dependency; and, thirdly, the duchy of Spoleti, which, he says, completed the present circle of the ecclesiastical state. This was afterward, Mr. Gibbon goes on to say, greatly enlarged; but this was the form in which the Papal power first made its appearance among the temporal sovereignties of Europe. I do not find, indeed, that the kingdom of the Lombards was, as is commonly stated, among the number of the temporal sovereignties that became subject to the authority of the Popes, but I do find that there were three distinct temporal sovereignties that lost their independent existence, and that were united under that one temporal authority – constituting by the union of the spiritual and temporal power that one peculiar kingdom. In Lombardy the power remained in the possession of the kings of the Lombards themselves, until that kingdom was subdued by the arms of Pepin and Charlemagne, and then it became subject to the crown of France, though for a time under the nominal reign of its own kings. See Gibbon, iii. 334, 335, 338. If it should be said, that in the interpretation of this passage respecting the three horns that were plucked up, or the three kingdoms that were thus destroyed, it would be proper to look for them among the ten, into which the one great kingdom was divided, and that the three above referred to – the Exarchate of Ravenna, the Pentapolis, and the dukedom of Spoleti and Rome – were not properly of that number, according to the list above given, it is necessary, in reply to this, to advert only to the two main facts in the case:
(1) that the great Roman power was actually divided into a large number of sovereignties that sprang up on its ruins – usually, but not in fact exactly, represented by ten; and
(2) that the Papacy began its career with a conceded dominion over the three territories above referred to – a part, in fact, of the one great dominion constituting the Roman power, and in the same territory. It is a remarkable fact that the popes to this day wear a triple crown – a fact that exists in regard to no other monarchs – as if they had absorbed under themselves three separate and distinct sovereignties; or as if they represented three separate forms of dominion. The sum of what is said in the exposition of these verses may be thus expressed:
(1) That there was originally one great sovereignty represented here by the fourth beast – the Roman empire.
(2) that, in fact, as is abundantly confirmed by history, this one great and united power was broken up into a large number of separate and independent sovereignties – most naturally and obviously described by ten, or such as would appear in a prophetic vision to be ten, and such as is actually so represented by historians having no interest in the fulfillment of the prophecy, and no designed reference to what may be symbolized by the ten horns.
(3) that there was another peculiar and distinct power that sprang out of them, and that grew to be mighty – a power unlike the others, and unlike anything that had before appeared in the world – combining qualities to be found in no other sovereignty – having a peculiar relation at the same time to the one original sovereignty, and to the ten into which that was divided – the prolongation, in an important sense, of the power of the one, and springing up in a peculiar manner among the others – that peculiar ecclesiastical and civil power – the Papacy – well represented by the little horn.
(4) that, in fact, this one power absorbed into itself three of these sovereignties – annihilating them as independent powers, and combining them into one most peculiar dominion – properly represented by plucking them up.
(5) that as a proper symbol, or emblem of some such domination, a crown or diadem is still worn, most naturally and obviously suggesting such a threefold absorption of dominion.
(6) that all this is actually prefigured by the symbols employed by the prophet, or that the symbols are such as would be naturally employed on the supposition that these events were designed to be referred to.
(7) and that there have been no other historical events to which these remarkable symbols could be naturally and obviously applied. And if these things are so, how are they to be explained except on the supposition that Daniel was inspired? Has man any natural sagacity by which such symbols representing the future could be suggested?
(d) It would be arrogant and proud, speaking great words against the Most High. No Protestant will doubt that this is true of the Papacy; no one acquainted with history will presume to call it in question. The arrogant pretensions of the Papacy have been manifested in all the history of that power, and no one can doubt that its assumptions have been, in fact, by fair construction, a speaking of great words against God. The Pope has claimed, or allowed to be conferred on him, names and prerogatives which can belong only to God. See this fully shown in the notes at 2Th 2:4. The facts there referred to are all that is necessary to illustrate this passage, on the supposition that it refers to the Papacy. Compare also the Literalist, vol. i. pp. 24-27.
(e) This would be a persecuting power – making war with the saints, and wearing out the saints of the Most High. Can anyone doubt that this is true of the Papacy? The Inquisition; the persecutions of the Waldenses; the ravages of the Duke of Alva; the fires of Smithfield; the tortures at Goa – indeed, the whole history of the Papacy may be appealed to in proof that this is applicable to that power. If anything could have worn out the saints of the Most High – could have cut them off from the earth so that evangelical religion would have become extinct, it would have been the persecutions of the Papal power. In the year 1208, a crusade was proclaimed by Pope Innocent III against the Waldenses and Albigenses, in which a million of men perished. From the beginning of the order of the Jesuits, in the year 1540 to 1580, nine hundred thousand were destroyed. One hundred and fifty thousand perished by the Inquisition in thirty years. In the Low Countries fifty thousand persons were hanged, beheaded, burned, or buried alive, for the crime of heresy, within the space of thirty-eight years from the edict of Charles V, against the Protestants, to the peace of Chateau Cambresis in 1559. Eighteen thousand suffered by the hands of the executioner, in the space of five years and a half, during the administration of the Duke of Alva. Indeed, the slightest acquaintance with the history of the Papacy, will convince anyone that what is here said of making war with the saints Dan 7:21, and wearing out the saints of the Most High Dan 7:25, is strictly applicable to that power, and will accurately describe its history. There have been, indeed, other persecuting powers, but none to which this language would be so applicable, and none which it would so naturally suggest. In proof of this, it is only necessary to refer to the history of the Papacy, and to what it has done to extirpate those who have professed a different faith. Let anyone recall:
(1) the persecution of the Waldenses;
(2) the acts of the Duke of Alva in the Low Countries;
(3) the persecution in England under Mary;
(4) the Inquisition;
(5) the attempts, too successful, to extinguish all the efforts at reformation in Italy and Spain in the time of Luther and Calvin (see McCrie), and
(6) the attempts to put down the Reformation in Germany and Switzerland – all which were either directly originated or sanctioned by the Papacy, and all for the same end, and he will see no reason to doubt that the language here is strictly applicable to that power, and that there has been no government on earth which would be so naturally suggested by it. – Cunninghame, in the Literalist, i. 27, 28. Indeed, who can number up all that have perished in the Inquisition alone?
(h) It would claim legislative power – thinking to change times and laws. The original Chaldee here may be rendered, as is done by Gesenius and DeWette, set times, stated times, or festival seasons. The word here, says Gesenius (Lexicon), is spoken of sacred seasons, festivals, and there can be no doubt that in this place it refers to religious institutions. The meaning is, that he would claim control over such institutions or festivals, and that he would appoint or change them at his pleasure. He would abolish or modify existing institutions of that kind, or he would institute new ones, as should seem good to him. This would be applicable, then, to some power that should claim authority to prescribe religious institutions, and to change the laws of God. No one, also, can fail to see a fulfillment of this in the claims of the Papacy, in setting up a jurisdiction over seasons of festival and fast; and in demanding that the laws of kingdoms should be so modelled as to sustain its claims, and modifying the laws of God as revealed in the Bible. The right of deposing and setting up kings; of fixing the boundaries of nations; of giving away crowns and scepters; and of exercising dominion over the sacred seasons, the customs, the amusements of nations – all these, as illustrated under the Papacy, will leave no doubt that all this would find an ample fulfillment in the history of that power. The Pope has claimed to be the head of the church, and has asserted and exercised the right of appointing sacred seasons; of abolishing ancient institutions; of introducing numberless new festival occasions, practically abrogating the laws of God on a great variety of subjects. We need only refer, in illustration of this,
(a) to the claim of infallibility, by which an absolute jurisdiction is asserted that covers the whole ground;
(b) to all the laws pertaining to image-worship, so directly in the face of the laws of God;
(c) to the celibacy of the clergy, rendering void one of the laws of heaven in relation to marriage;
(d) to the whole doctrine respecting purgatory;
(e) to the doctrine of transubstantiation;
(f) to the practical abolition of the Christian Sabbath by appointing numerous saints days to be observed as equally sacred;
(g) to the law withholding the cup from the laity – contrary to the commandment of the Saviour; and
(h) in general to the absolute control claimed by the Papacy over the whole subject of religion.
Indeed, nothing would better characterize this power than to say that it asserted the right to change times and laws. And to all this should be added another characteristic Dan 7:8, that it would have the eyes of a man; that is, would be distinguished for a far-seeing sagacity. Could this be so appropriately applied to anything else as to the deep, the artful, and the far-reaching diplomacy of the court of Rome; to the sagacity of the Jesuit; to the skillful policy which subdued the world to itself?
These illustrations will leave no doubt, it seems to me, that all that is here said will find an ample fulfillment in the Papacy, and that it is to be regarded as having a reference to that power. If so, it only remains,
III. To inquire what, according to his interpretation, we are to expect will yet occur, or what light this passage throws on events that are yet future. The origin, the growth, the general character and influence of this power up to a distant period are illustrated by this interpretation. What remains is the inquiry, from the passage before us, how long this is to continue, and what we are to anticipate in regard to its fall. The following points, then, would seem to be clear, on the supposition that this refers to the Papal power:
It is to continue a definite period from its establishment, Dan 7:25. This duration is mentioned as a time, and times, and the dividing of a time – three years and a half – twelve hundred and sixty days – twelve hundred and sixty years. See the note at that verse. The only difficulty in regard to this, if that interpretation is correct, is to determine the time when the Papacy actually began – the terminus a quo – and this has given rise to all the diversity of explanation among Protestants. Assuming any one time as the period when the Papal power arose, as a date from which to calculate, it is easy to compute from that date, and to fix some period – terminus ad quem – to which this refers, and which may be looked to as the time of the overthrow of that power. But there is nothing more difficult in history than the determination of the exact time when the Papacy properly began: that is, when the peculiar domination which is fairly understood by that system commenced in the world; or what were its first distinguishing acts. History has not so marked that period that there is no room for doubt. It has not affixed definite dates to it; and to this day it is not easy to make out the time when that power commenced, or to designate any one event at a certain period that will surely mark it. It seems to have been a gradual growth, and its commencement has not been so definitely characterized as to enable us to demonstrate with absolute certainty the time to which the twelve hundred and sixty years will extend.
Different writers have assigned different periods for the rise of the Papacy, and different acts as the first act of that power; and all the prophecies as to its termination depend on the period which is fixed on as the time of its rise. It is this which has led to so much that is conjectural, and which has been the occasion of so much disappointment, and which throws so much obscurity now over all calculations as to the termination of that power. In nothing is the Scripture more clear than that that power shall be destroyed; and if we could ascertain with exactness the date of its origin, there would be little danger of erring in regard to its close. The different periods which have been fixed on as the date of its rise have been principally the following:
(1) An edict published by Justinian (533 a.d.), and a letter addressed by him at the same time to the Pope, in which he acknowledged him to be the head of the churches, thus conferring on him a title belonging only to the Saviour, and putting himself and empire under the dominion of the bishop of Rome. – Duffield on the Prophecies, p. 281.
(2) The decree of the emperor Phocas (606 a.d.), confirming what had been done by Justinian, and giving his sanction to the code of laws promulgated by him; a code of laws based on the acknowledged supremacy of the Pope, and which became the basis of European legislation for centuries; and conferring on him the title of Universal Bishop.
(3) The act of Pope Stephen, by which, when appealed to by the claimant to the crown of France, he confirmed Pepin in the kingdom, and set aside Childeric III, and, in return, received from Pepin the Exarchate of Ravenna and the Pentapolis. See Rankes Hist. of the Papacy, vol. i. 23. This occurred about 752 a.d.
(4) The opinion of Mr. Gibbon (4:363), that Gregory VII was the true founder of the Papal power. Gregory VII., says he, who may be adored or detested as the founder of the Papal monarchy, was driven from Rome, and died in exile at Salerno. Gregory became Pope 1073 a.d. These different dates, if assumed as the foundation of the Papal power, would, by the addition to each of the period of 1260 years, lead respectively to the years 1793, 1866, 2012, and 2333, as the period of the termination of the Papal dominion. As this is a point of great importance in the explanation of the prophecies, it may be proper to examine these opinions a little more in detail. But in order to this, it is necessary to have a clear conception of what the Papacy as a distinct domination is, or what constitutes its peculiarity, as seen by the sacred writers, and as it has in fact existed, and does exist in the world; and in regard to this there can be little difference of opinion.
It is not a mere ecclesiastical power – not a mere spiritual domination – not the control of a bishop as such over a church or a diocese – nor is it a mere temporal dominion, but it is manifestly the union of the two: that peculiar domination which the bishop of Rome has claimed, as growing out of his primacy as the head of the church, and of a temporal power also, asserted at first over a limited jurisdiction, but ultimately, and as a natural consequence, over all other sovereignties, and claiming universal dominion. We shall not find the Papacy, or the Papal dominion as such, clearly, in the mere spiritual rule of the first bishop of Rome, nor in that mere spiritual dominion, however enlarged, but in that junction of the two, when, in virtue of a pretended Divine right, a temporal dominion grew up that ultimately extended itself over Europe, claiming the authority to dispose of crowns; to lay kingdoms under interdict, and to absolve subjects from their allegiance. If we can find the beginning of this claim – the germ of this peculiar kind of domination – we shall doubtless have found the commencement of the Papacy – the terminus a quo – as it was seen by the prophets – the point from which we are to reckon in determining the question of its duration.
With this view, then, of the nature of the Papacy, it is proper to inquire when it commenced, or which of the periods referred to, if either, can be properly regarded as the commencement.
I. The edict of Justinian, and the letter to the bishop of Rome, in which he acknowledged him to be the head of the church, 533 a.d. This occurred under John II, reckoned as the fifty-fifth bishop of Rome. The nature of this application of Justinian to the Pope, and the honor conferred on him, was this: On all occasion of a controversy in the church, on the question whether one person of the Trinity suffered in the flesh, the monks of Constantinople, fearful of being condemned under an edict of Justinian for heresy in denying this, applied to the Pope to decide the point. Justinian, who took great delight in inquiries of that nature, and who maintained the opposite opinion on that subject, also made his appeal to the Pope. Having, therefore, drawn up a long creed, containing the disputed article among the rest, he despatched two bishops with it to Rome, and laid the whole matter before the Pope. At the same time he wrote a letter to the Pope, congratulating him on his election, assuring him that the faith contained in the confession which he sent him was the faith of the whole Eastern church, and entreating him to declare in his answer that he received to his communion all who professed that faith, and none who did not. To add weight to the letter he accompanied it with a present to Peter, consisting of several chalices and other vessels of gold, enriched with precious stones. From this deference to the Pope, on the part of the emperor, and this submitting to him, as the head of the whole church, of an important question to be determined, it has been argued that this was properly the beginning of the Papacy, and that the twelve hundred and sixty years are to be reckoned from that. But against this opinion the objections are insuperable, for
(a) there was here nothing of what properly constitutes the Papacy – the peculiar union of the temporal and spiritual power; or the peculiar domination which that power has exerted over the world. All that occurred was the mere deference which an emperor showed to one who claimed to be the spiritual head of the church, and who had long before claimed that. There was no change – no beginning, properly so called – no commencement of a new form of domination over mankind, such as the Papacy has been.
(b) But, as a matter of fact, there was, after all, little real deference to the Pope in this case. Little or no account, says Bower, ought to be made of that extraordinary deference (the deference shown by carrying this question before the Pope). Justinian paid great deference to the Pope, as well as to all other bishops, when they agreed with him; but none at all when they did not – thinking himself at least as well qualified as the best of them – and so he certainly was – to decide controversies concerning the faith; and we shall soon see him entering the lists with his holiness himself – Lives of the Popes, i. 336.
II. The second date which has been assigned to the origin of the Papacy is the decree made by the emperor Phocas (606 a.d.), by which, it is said, he continued the grant made by Justinian. This act was the following: Boniface III, when he had been made bishop of Rome, relying on the favor and partiality which Phocas had shown him, prevailed on him to revoke the decree settling the title of Universal Bishop on the bishop of Constantinople, and obtained another settling that title on himself and his successors. The decree of Phocas, conferring this title, has not indeed come down to us; but it has been the common testimony of historians that such title was conferred. See Mosheim, i. 513; Bower, i. 426. The fact asserted here has been doubted, and Mosheim supposes that it rests on the authority of Baronius. Still, says he, it is certain that something of this kind occurred. But there are serious objections to our regarding this as properly the commencement of the Papacy as such. For
(a) this was not the beginning of that peculiar domination, or form of power, which the Pope has asserted and maintained. If this title were conferred, it imparted no new power; it did not change the nature of this domination; it did not, in fact, make the Roman bishop different from what he was before. He was still, in all respects, subject to the civil power of the emperors, and had no control beyond what he exercised in the church.
(b) And even this little was withdrawn by the same authority which granted it – the authority of the emperor of Constantinople – though it has always since been claimed and asserted by the Pope himself. See Bower, i. 427. It is true that, as a consequence of the fact that this title was conferred on the Popes, they began to grasp at power, and aspire to temporal dominion; but still there was no formal grasp of such power growing out of the assumption of this title, nor was any such temporal dominion set up as the immediate result of such a title. The act, therefore, was not sufficiently marked, distinct, and decisive, to constitute an epoch, or the beginning of an era, in the history of the world, and the rise of the Papacy cannot with any propriety be dated from that. This was undoubtedly one of the steps by which that peculiar power rose to its greatness, or which contributed to lay the foundation of its subsequent claims, its arrogance, and its pride; but it is doubtful whether it was so important an event characterizing the Papacy as to be regarded as the origin, or the terminus a quo in ascertaining the time of its continuance.
It was, however, in view of this, and with this considered as properly the origin of the Papacy, that the Rev. Robert Fleming, in his work on the Rise and Fall of the Papacy, first published in 1701, uttered the following remarkable language, as based on his calculations respecting the continuance of that power: If we may suppose that Antichrist began his reign in the year 606, the additional one thousand two hundred and sixty years of his duration, were they Julian or ordinary years, would lead down to the year 1866, as the last period of the seven-headed monster. But seeing they are prophetic years only (of 360 days), we must cast away eighteen years in order to bring them to the exact measure of time that the Spirit of God designs in this book. And thus the final period of the Papal usurpati (supposing that he did indeed rise in the year 606) must conclude with the year 1848 – (Cobbins Edition, p. 32.) Whether this be considered as merely a happy conjecture – the one successful one among thousands that have failed, or as the result of a proper calculation respecting the future, no one in comparing it with the events of the year 1848, when the Pope was driven from Rome, and when a popular government was established in the very seat of the Papal power, can fail to see that it is remarkable considered as having been uttered a century and a half ago. Whether it is the correct calculation, and that temporary downfall of the Papal government is to be regarded as the first in a series of events that will ultimately end in its destruction, time must determine. The reasons mentioned above, however, and those which will be suggested in favor of a different beginning of that power, make it, at present, more probable that a different period is to be assigned as its close.
III. The third date which has been assigned as the beginning of the Papacy is the grant of Pepin above referred to, 752 a.d. This grant conferred by Pepin was confirmed also by Charlemagne and his successors, and it was undoubtedly at this period that the Papacy began to assume its place among the sovereignties of Europe. In favor of this opinion – that this was properly the rise of the Papacy – the terminus a quo of prophecy, the following considerations may be urged:
(a) We have here a definite act – an act which is palpable and apparent, as characterizing the progress of this domination over men.
(b) We have here properly the beginning of the temporal dominion, or the first acknowledged exercise of that power in acts of temporal sovereignty – in giving laws, asserting dominion, swaying a temporal scepter, and wearing a temporal crown. All the acts before had been of a spiritual character, and all the deference to the Bishop of Rome had been of a spiritual nature. Henceforward, however, he was acknowledged as a temporal prince, and took his place as such among the crowned heads of Europe.
(c) This is properly the beginning of that mighty domination which the Pope wielded over Europe – a beginning, which, however small at first, ultimately became so powerful and so arrogant as to claim jurisdiction over all the kingdoms of the earth, and the right to absolve subjects from their allegiance, to lay kingdoms under interdict, to dispose of crowns, to order the succession of princes, to tax all people, and to dispose of all newly-discovered countries.
(d) This accords better with the prophecies than any other one event which has occurred in the world – especially with the prophecy of Daniel, of the springing up of the little horn, and the fact that that little horn plucked up three others of the ten into which the fourth kingdom was divided.
(e) And it should be added that this agrees with the idea all along held up in the prophecies, that this would be properly the fourth empire prolonged. The fifth empire or kingdom is to be the reign of the saints, or the reign of righteousness on the earth; the fourth extends down in its influences and power to that. As a matter of fact, this Roman power was thus concentrated in the Papacy. The form was changed, but it was the Roman power that was in the eye of the prophets, and this was contemplated under its various phases, as pagan and nominally Christian, until the reign of the saints should commence, or the kingdom of God should be set up. But it was only in the time of Stephen, and by the act of Pepin and Charlemagne, that this change occurred, or that this dominion of a temporal character was settled in the Papacy – and that the Pope was acknowledged as having this temporal power. This was consummated indeed in Hildebrand, or Gregory VII (Gibbon, iii. 353, iv. 363), but this mighty power properly had its origin in the time of Pepin.
IV. The fourth date assigned for the origin of the Papacy is the time of Hildebrand, or Gregory VII. This is the period assigned by Mr. Gibbon. Respecting this, he remarks (vol. iv. p. 363), Gregory the Seventh, who may be adored or detested as the founder of the Papal monarchy, was driven from Rome, and died in exile at Salerno. And again (vol. iii. p. 353), he says of Gregory, After a long series of scandal, the apostolic see was reformed and exalted, by the austerity and zeal of Gregory VII. That ambitious monk devoted his life to the execution of two projects:
I. To fix in the college of Cardinals the freedom and independence of election, and forever to abolish the right or usurpation of the emperors and the Roman people.
II. To bestow and resume the Western Empire as a fief or benefice of the church, and to extend his temporal dominion over the kings and kingdoms of the earth.
After a contest of fifty years, the first of these designs was accomplished by the firm support of the ecclesiastical order, whose liberty was connected with that of the chief. But the second attempt, though it was crowned with some apparent and partial success, has been vigorously resisted by the secular power, and finally extinguished by the improvement of human reason.
If the views above suggested, however, are correct; or if we look at the Papacy as it was in the time of Hildebrand, it must be apparent that this was not the rise or origin of that peculiar domination, but was only the carrying out and completing of the plan laid long before to set up a temporal dominion over mankind.
It should be added, whatever of the three first periods referred to be regarded as the time of the rise of the Papacy, if we add to them the prophetic period of 1260 years, we are now in the midst of scenes on which the prophetic eye rested, and we cannot, as fair interpreters of prophecy, but regard this mighty domination as hastening to its fall. It would seem probable, then, that according to the most obvious explanation of the subject, we are at present not far from the termination and fall of that great power, and that events may be expected to occur at about this period of the world, which will be connected with its fall.
Its power is to be taken away as by a solemn judgment – if the throne was set, and God was to come forth to pronounce judgment on this power to overthrow it, Dan 7:10-11, Dan 7:26. This destruction of the power referred to is to be absolute and entire – as if the beast were slain, and the body given to the burning flame – and they shall take away his dominion, to consume and destroy it unto the end. This would denote the absolute destruction of this peculiar power – its entire cessation in the world; that is, the absolute destruction of what had constituted its peculiarity – the prolonged power of the beast of the fourth kingdom – concentrated and embodied in that represented by the little horn. If applied to the Roman power, or the fourth kingdom, it means that that power which would have been prolonged under the dominion of that represented by the little horn, would wholly cease – as if the body of the beast had been burned.
If applied to the power represented by the little horn – the Papacy – it means that that power which sprang up amidst the others, and which became so mighty – embodying so much of the power of the beast, would wholly pass away as an ecclesiastico-civil power. It would cease its dominion, and as one of the ruling powers of the earth would disappear. This would be accomplished by some remarkable Divine manifestation – as if God should come in majesty and power to judgment and should pronounce a sentence; that is, the overthrow would be decisive, and as manifestly the result of the Divine interposition as if God should do it by a formal act of judgment. In the overthrow of that power, whenever it occurs, it would be natural, from this prophecy, to anticipate that there would be some scenes of commotion and revolution bearing directly on it, as if God were pronouncing sentence on it; some important changes in the nations that had acknowledged its authority, as if the great Judge of nations were coming forth to assert his own power and his own right to rule, and to dispose of the kingdoms of the earth as he pleased.
(C) It is to be anticipated that the power referred to will be destroyed on account of its pride and arrogance. See the notes at Dan 7:11. That is, whatever power there is upon the earth at the time referred to that shall be properly that of the fourth beast or kingdom, will be taken away on account of the claims set up and maintained by the little horn: I beheld because of the voice of the great words which the horn spake; I beheld until the beast was slain, etc., Dan 7:11. On the supposition that this refers to the Papacy, what is to be expected would be, that the pride and arrogance of that power as such – that is, as an ecclesiastical power claiming dominion over civil things, and wielding civil authority, would be such that the Roman power – the lingering power of the fourth kingdom – would be taken away, and its dominion over the world would cease. That vast Roman domination that once trod down the earth, and that crushed and oppressed the nations, would still linger, like the prolonged life of the beast, until, on account of the arrogance and pride of the Papacy, it would be wholly taken away. If one were to judge of the meaning of this prophecy without attempting to apply it to particular passing events, he would say that it would be fulfilled by some such events as these: if the people over whom the prolonged Roman civil power would be extended, and over whom the ecclesiastical or papal scepter would be swayed, should, on account of the pride and arrogance of the Papacy, rise in their might, and demand liberty – that would be in fact an end of the prolonged power of the fourth beast; and it would be on account of the great words which the horn spake, and would be in all respects a fulfillment of the language of this prophecy. Whether such an end of this power is to occur, time is to determine.
(D) Simultaneously with this event, as the result of this, we are to anticipate such a spread of truth and righteousness, and such a reign of the saints on the earth, as would be properly symbolized by the coming of the Son of man to the ancient of days to receive the kingdom, Dan 7:13-14. As shown in the interpretation of those verses, this does not necessarily imply that there would be any visible appearing of the Son of man, or any personal reign (see the note at these verses), but there would be such a making over of the kingdom to the Son of man and to the saints as would be properly symbolized by such a representation. That is, there would be great changes; there would be a rapid progress of the truth; there would be a spread of the gospel; there would be a change in the governments of the world, so that the power would pass into the hands of the righteous, and they would in fact rule. From that time the saints would receive the kingdom, and the affairs of the world would be put on a new footing. From that period it might be said that the reign of the saints would commence; that is, there would be such changes in this respect that that would constitute an epoch in the history of the world – the proper beginning of the reign of the saints on the earth – the setting up of the new and final dominion in the world. If there should be such changes – such marked progress – such facilities for the spread of truth – such new methods of propagating it – and such certain success attending it, all opposition giving way, and persecution ceasing, as would properly constitute an epoch or era in the worlds history, which would be connected with the conversion of the world to God, this would fairly meet the interpretation of this prophecy; this occurring, all would have taken place which could be fairly shown to be implied in the vision.
(E) We are to expect a reign of righteousness on the earth. On the character of what we are fairly to expect from the words of the prophecy, see the notes at Dan 7:14. The prophecy authorizes us to anticipate a time when there shall be a general prevalence of true religion; when the power in the world shall be in the hands of good men – of men fearing God; when the Divine laws shall be obeyed – being acknowledged as the laws that are to control men; when the civil institutions of the world shall be pervaded by religion, and moulded by it; when there shall be no hinderance to the free exercise of religion, and when in fact the reigning power on the earth shall be the kingdom which the Messiah shall set up. There is nothing more certain in the future than such a period, and to that all things are tending. Such a period would fulfill all that is fairly implied in this wonderful prophecy, and to that faith and hope should calmly and confidently look forward. For that they who love their God and their race should labor and pray; and by the certain assurance that such a period will come, we should be cheered amidst all the moral darkness that exists in the world, and in all that now discourages us in our endeavors to do good.
Fuente: Albert Barnes’ Notes on the Bible
Verse 28. The end of the matter.] So said the expounding angel; and he said so because the purpose of God had determined it. In considering these things, and looking at the evils that shall come upon the world before those auspicious times can take place, I may say with Daniel, My cogitations much troubled me, and my countenance changed in me: but I keep the matter of my conjectures and consequent feelings in my own heart.
Fuente: Adam Clarke’s Commentary and Critical Notes on the Bible
The end of the matter, i.e. of the vision, and the angels interpretation.
My countenance changed in me:
1. Because it became him so to be, as a holy wise man ought to be in that case.
2. By this impression made upon him, God would have it laid up in his heart to be drawn out occasionally, and delivered to his people, and that all these wonderful discoveries from God might engage him more earnestly in prayer for the church of God, as he doth, Da 9.
Fuente: English Annotations on the Holy Bible by Matthew Poole
28. cogitations . . . troubledmeshowing that the Holy Spirit intended much more to beunderstood by Daniel’s words than Daniel himself understood. We arenot to limit the significance of prophecies to what the prophetsthemselves understood (1Pe 1:11;1Pe 1:12).
Fuente: Jamieson, Fausset and Brown’s Commentary Critical and Explanatory on the Whole Bible
Hitherto is the end of the matter,…. Of the angel’s words, and of the interpretation of those things Daniel was desirous of being informed about, and of the whole dream and vision Daniel had; and indeed this is the end and issue of all events in Providence, the kingdom and glory of Christ with his people:
as for me Daniel: with respect to his frame of mind, and the state of his body, when he awaked from this dream, and reflected upon it, and especially upon that part of it which affected the people of God:
my cogitations much troubled me; when he thought of these powerful monarchies, their strength and cruelty, and what the people of God would suffer under them, and especially under the fourth beast or monarchy, and ignore particularly under the little horn or antichrist:
and my countenance changed in me: turned pale: he looked sorrowful and dejected, because of the afflictions of God’s people; though the issue of them, one would have thought, would have inspired him with joy and pleasure:
but I kept the matter in my heart; laid it up in his memory; pondered it in his mind; meditated upon it; and well weighed the several things observed to him; that he might be thoroughly master of them, and make them known to others, and leave them in writing for the benefit of the church of God in future ages.
Fuente: John Gill’s Exposition of the Entire Bible
In this verse Daniel first says the vision was concluded, and thus the faithful might rest satisfied in looking for nothing beyond it. For we know how restless are the fancies of mankind, and how insane a disease is a vain curiosity. God is aware of what is useful for our information, and so he adopts his method of teaching to our capacity and profit,. Yet we are volatile and insatiable, saying, Why is not this added? Why does God stop here? why does he not proceed further? As, therefore, human ingenuity is so inflamed and intemperate, Daniel here deservedly says, an end was put to the vision, to cause all the elect to acquiesce in it and be contented with this partial knowledge. He afterwards adds, he was disturbed in his thoughts, and his countenance was changed; for he was afraid lest the pious should think this vision a mere vanished specter. It was of the greatest importance to distinguish this vision from any frivolous imagination. Daniel, therefore, to show how the scene proposed to his notice was a divine revelation, expresses clearly how he was terrified in his thoughts This occurred, because God wished to stamp upon his heart the certainty of the prophecy. To the same purpose is, the change of countenance He adds, he laid up the discourse in his heart, to assure us of his being a faithful interpreter; for if we suspected him of negligence, we should not receive, with reverence the message he delivered in these words, as really proceeding from God. But when Daniel affirms that he discharged the duty of a faithful servant, who kept the whole discourse in his heart, additional authority is added to his teaching. In conclusion, we must remember two points; first, the celestial revelation made known to the Prophet to prove him a servant and messenger of God to us; and secondly, the faithful discharge of his duties, as he laid up in his heart what he had received, and thus delivered it through his own hands to the Church at large. Another vision follows: —
Fuente: Calvin’s Complete Commentary
(28) The matteri.e., the vision and the revelation.
In my heart.Daniel suffers as in Dan. 7:15 and Dan. 10:8. However, he comforts himself by keeping in his heart the words of the angel spoken in Dan. 7:17. (Comp. Luk. 2:19.)
Fuente: Ellicott’s Commentary for English Readers (Old and New Testaments)
28. Hitherto [or, so far, Bevan]
is the end of the matter The vision ended at this point, though this does not indicate at all that this was the original end of Daniel’s prophecy. (Compare Konig, Einleitung, N. 384.) Daniel was much “troubled” to understand the vision, and secreting it in his heart (compare Luk 2:19), pondered over its meaning until his countenance lost its brightness (Aramaic).
‘Unto this point is the end of the matter. As for me, Daniel, my thoughts much troubled me, and my brightness was changed in me. But I kept the matter in my heart.’.
Commencing from the time of Nebuchadnezzar we have now reached the end of the matter, the everlasting kingdom. But Daniel was not at ease. He was deeply troubled, and he had lost his brightness. He was horrified at what lay ahead for the people of God. But nevertheless he told no one, nor asked others to share the burden. It was not easy to be the source of God’s revelation on such matters.
Dan 7:28. My cogitations much troubled me, &c. My thoughts, &c. Daniel was much troubled, and his countenance changed in him, at the foresight of the calamities to be brought upon the church by the little horn. But he kept the matter in his heart. Much more may good men now be grieved at these calamities, and lament the prevalence of popery, infidelity, and wickedness in the world. But let them keep it in their heart, that a time of just retribution will certainly come. The proof may be drawn from the moral attributes of God, as well as from his promises in Dan 7:26-27. The judgment shall sit, &c. See Bishop Newton, vol. 1: p. 497.
A general or compendious view of these things might be all which either in prudence or propriety was then expedient to be given to the nations, for their own benefit, or that of the dispersed Israelites who resided among them; but a more exact and particular prospect might be held out for those highly-favoured people, who were to constitute the restored visible church of Christ, and from whom was to descend the promised Messiah, who was to be a light to lighten the Gentiles, and to spread salvation unto the ends of the earth.
REFLECTIONS.1st, The date of this vision is in the first year of Belshazzar. It was revealed to Daniel on his bed in a dream, and when he awoke he wrote it down, and communicated it to his brethren whom it so nearly concerned. They were about to be delivered from their long captivity; but must not expect uninterrupted tranquillity, as they perhaps flattered themselves, in the land to which they were about to return.
In the vision he observed, [2.] The second beast was like to a bear, representing the Medo-Persian monarchy, fierce and savage; and it raised up itself on one side, on the side of Persia, whence Cyrus the conqueror came; and it had three ribs in the mouth of it, between the teeth of it, so many kingdoms or provinces; and they said thus unto it, Arise, devour much flesh; either the generals of the Persian army encouraged their troops to slay their enemies, or there are the orders of the divine Providence to Cyrus, sending him to devour the spoils of the conquered Chaldeans.
[3.] The third beast, that next arose, was like a leopard, prefiguring the Grecian monarchy under Alexander, agile, crafty, spotted, a compound of vices and virtues; or this may refer to the motley people of this vast empire. It had upon the back of it four wings of a fowl; so swift were his marches, so rapid his conquests. The beast had also four heads; the empire, on Alexander’s decease, being divided into four parts. See the annotations. And dominion was given to it; God’s hand being strongly evident in the successes of the Grecian conqueror.
[4.] The fourth beast differed from all the rest, being dreadful and terrible, and strong exceedingly, which is to be interpreted of the Roman empire; and it had great iron teeth, devouring, breaking in pieces, and stamping down all who stood in its way; as the Roman generals and armies did, till they had erected universal monarchy. And it had ten horns; the empire, on its decline, being divided into so many kingdoms. The little horn, is by the best interpreters supposed to be the antichristian power, which rose from small beginnings, and from an ecclesiastic the bishop of Rome became a temporal prince, and seized on considerable territories, dispossessing three of the other horns. And in this horn were eyes like the eyes of man, intimating the vigilance and craft of the Romish court and emissaries; and a mouth speaking great things, boasting of infallibility, power to remit sin, and other such like proud blasphemies.
2nd, Very glorious things are here recorded, for the comfort of the people of God under all the persecutions that they may be called to suffer in this wicked world. 2. The prisoner at the bar is condemned and executed. I beheld then, because of the voice of the great words which the horn spake, his pride and blasphemies being proved, and condign punishment decreed; I beheld, even till the beast was slain, the Romish power; and his body destroyed, and given to the burning flame; Rome, the seat of antichristian tyranny, being not improbably doomed to be devoured with fire; but, according to the express declaration of Scripture, both the beast and the false prophet will together at last be cast into the burning lake. See Revelation 17; Revelation 18; Revelation 19. As concerning the rest of the beasts, the other three monarchies, they had their dominion taken away, successively giving place to each other; yet their lives were prolonged for a season and time; though the sovereign power departed from them, they each continued in being as a people; whereas, when judgment passes on the fourth, he will perish at once and utterly.
3. The kingdom of the Messiah is to be set up on the ruin of his enemies. I saw in the night visions, and behold, one like the son of man, like the sons of men in his incarnation, but more than man in the glory of his divine Person, came with the clouds of heaven, with great majesty, to take possession of his kingdom, and came to the Ancient of days, his eternal Father, either at his ascension, or rather it refers to the future day of his glory, when he shall take to himself his great power and reign; and they brought him near before him; and there was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, his mediatorial kingdom, which, as the man Christ Jesus, he receives from his Father; and this kingdom, we doubt not, will be more eminent and extensive upon earth hereafter than it has ever yet been; so that all people, nations, and languages, should serve him, made obedient to the faith, and become his loyal subjects: and, as his kingdom will be universal in its extent, it will be eternal in duration; for his dominion is an everlasting dominion, and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed. Blessed and happy are they who have their lot and portion among the happy subjects of this divine Redeemer!
3rdly, The visions so affected the prophet, that his mind was much troubled; and, earnestly desirous to be informed of the meaning of what he saw, he inquires of one of the celestial attendants concerning them; who readily relieved him from his suspense, and explained the particulars of his prophetic dream. Note; (1.) When we are ignorant, we should never be ashamed to inquire of those who can teach us. (2.) The truths of God should engage our diligent attention; and what we read or hear, we should, by prayer and meditation, endeavour fully to understand.
The interpretation given is, 3. Daniel appears much impressed and affected with what had been told him: his very look was altered by it; but he kept the matter in his heart, pondering thereupon, and seeking thoroughly to understand the meaning, that he might transmit the vision, with the interpretation, to succeeding generations. Note; It is good thus to store up in our hearts the blessed words of truth that we hear, ready to produce them, on every proper occasion, for the edification and comfort of our brethren.
REFLECTIONS
PAUSE, Reader! over this most sublime and blessed Chapter; and passing by every lesser consideration, contemplate this, as the highest and the best on what is said of Him, whom Daniel saw, the Ancient of Days, in the glories of his person, and Almightiness of his character! Perhaps the whiteness of his garment might be meant to intimate the purity and holiness of his nature and essence. And it is possible, by the hairs of his head, like the pure wool, might be intended to represent the sovereignty of his glory and majesty. But, alas! what figures or similitudes can afford the least resemblance of Him, who only hath immortality, dwelling in the light, which no man can approach unto; whom no man hath seen or can see! Almighty Jehovah! before thy footstool help both Writer and Reader to fall down with the lowest possible prostration of soul and body; everlastingly keeping in remembrance, that both now to a throne of grace, and hereafter to glory, there is no possibility of access, but in and through a gracious Mediator, the Lord Our Righteousness!
And concerning thee, thou blessed Emmanuel, whom the Prophet Daniel saw also, in this solemn vision, under the similitude of One like the Son of man; help us to look up with all that love and adoration, and holy fear, and faith, and delight, as becometh thy redeemed. For do we not know, dearest Jesus, by the teachings of thine Holy Spirit, that since thou didst finish redemption-work, and art returned unto glory, it is thou that hast opened a new and living way by thy blood, and ever livest to keep it open by thine intercession. Hail! precious Lamb of God! worthy art thou to take the kingdom, and power, and glory, for thou wast slain, and hast redeemed us to God by thy blood.
And no less, thou Eternal Spirit of all truth, who art one with the Father and the Son! be thou exalted and glorified Lord, in thine own personal power and Godhead! And may all the Church, both in heaven and on earth, daily be enabled to send forth their united praises to Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the One glorious and incomprehensible Jehovah in endless adoration and love, through the boundless ages of eternity. Amen.
Dan 7:28 Hitherto [is] the end of the matter. As for me Daniel, my cogitations much troubled me, and my countenance changed in me: but I kept the matter in my heart.
Ver. 28. Hitherto is the end of the matter. ] This seemeth added, to stop all curious inquiries after things not revealed.
My cogitations much troubled me.
And my countenance changed. NASB (UPDATED) TEXT: Dan 7:28
28At this point the revelation ended. As for me, Daniel, my thoughts were greatly alarming me and my face grew pale, but I kept the matter to myself.
Dan 7:28 At this point the revelation ended Daniel 7 is a literary unit. It is linked to chapter 6, but the vision is complete in itself and covers the entire history of mankind from Daniel’s day to the eschaton.
my thoughts were greatly alarming me and my face grew pale’ See note at Dan 4:19 (also Dan 7:15; Dan 7:28; Dan 8:27; Dan 10:16-17).
I kept the matter to myself’ How would he communicate these visions and to whom? This is when and how apocalyptic literature becomes so helpful!
DISCUSSION QUESTIONS
This is a study guide commentary, which means that you are responsible for your own interpretation of the Bible. Each of us must walk in the light we have. You, the Bible, and the Holy Spirit are priority in interpretation. You must not relinquish this to a commentator.
These discussion questions are provided to help you think through the major issues of this section of the book. They are meant to be thought-provoking, not definitive.
1. How are chapters 2, 7, and 8 related?
2. Why is there such a problem in identifying these four nations?
3. Who is the Ancient of Days? the Son of Man? the little horn?
4. What does Dan 7:25 say about the time element of this occurrence?
much troubled me: or, baffled me. See note on “grieved”, Dan 7:15.
I kept, &c. Compare Luk 2:19. Here ends the portion of the book written in the Chaldee (or Gentile) tongue.
Dan 7:28
Dan 7:28 HithertoH5705 H3542 is the endH5491 ofH1768 the matter.H4406 As for meH576 Daniel,H1841 my cogitationsH7476 muchH7690 troubledH927 me, and my countenanceH2122 changedH8133 inH5922 me: but I keptH5202 the matterH4406 in my heart.H3821
Dan 7:28
Hitherto is the end of the matter. As for me Daniel, my cogitations much troubled me, and my countenance changed in me: but I kept the matter in my heart.
Daniel was troubled over this vision and well so. It was not a pretty thing to consider that his people would suffer so greatly at the hands of those yet to rise to power. While the fact that the saints would win in the end provides great comfort, the sufferings they would have to endure during the course of events was troubling in the extreme. Daniel purposed to keep his personal feelings to himself on this. When he recorded the vision, he stuck to the facts and kept his own feelings out of it.
the end: Dan 8:17, Dan 8:19, Dan 11:27, Dan 12:9, Dan 12:13
my cogitations: Dan 7:15, Dan 8:27, Dan 10:8
but: Gen 37:10, Mar 9:15, Luk 2:19, Luk 2:51, Luk 9:44
Reciprocal: Gen 37:11 – observed Gen 40:6 – behold Gen 41:8 – his spirit Isa 28:19 – and it Jer 4:19 – My bowels Jer 15:17 – sat alone Dan 4:5 – a dream Dan 4:19 – was astonied Dan 5:6 – and his thoughts Dan 8:15 – I Daniel Dan 10:16 – my sorrows
Dan 7:28. Hitherto is the end means that Daniel has related the whole story of this dream. Cogitations is defined by Strong as, “a mental conception. The prophet repeats what he said in verse 15, that what he saw in the vision troubled him. Yet he was able to keep the matter in his heart and relate it to the one who stood by.
Dan 7:28. Hitherto is the end of the matter Here the angel that spoke to me concerning these matters finished his discourse. As for me, my cogitations much troubled me The extraordinary circumstances of the vision made a great impression upon my mind; and it was matter of great trouble to me, to foresee the profanation of Gods laws and worship, and the persecutions and calamities which should come upon his church and people. And my countenance changed in me The impression which this vision made upon me, weakened my spirits, and altered my complexion, as if I had had a fit of sickness. But I kept the matter in my heart I laid the matter up in my memory and heart, and meditated frequently upon it, and by that means was enabled to give an exact account of the vision, and its interpretation, in writing, for the use and benefit of others as well as myself; and that after ages might have this great proof of the Almightys governing all the affairs of the world, and of his foreknowledge of future events.
7:28 Hitherto [is] the end of the matter. As for me Daniel, my {u} cogitations much troubled me, and my countenance changed in me: but I kept the matter in my heart.
(u) Even though he had many motions in his heart which moved him to and fro to seek out this matter curiously, yet he was content with that which God revealed, and kept it in memory, and wrote it for the use of the Church.
Daniel indicated the end of the vision, and added that what he had seen and heard alarmed and terrified him. His pale face evidently resulted from his fear, as he contemplated the severe trials and persecutions awaiting his people. He originally kept this revelation to himself, perhaps because he realized that it might prove explosive if he announced it immediately.
There appear to be two specific sets of prophecies of the future in chapter 7, in addition to what would happen within Daniel’s lifetime. First, there are prophecies that deal with coming world empires that appeared (to Daniel) as regular nations. Then there are the predictions about the end of the fourth kingdom and the beginning of the fifth kingdom, which are still future events from our standpoint in history. The gap between these times was undoubtedly unclear to Daniel (cf. Isa 61:1-2; 1Pe 1:10-11).
Culver summarized the evidence for the premillennial understanding of chapter 7 as follows.
"(1) Messiah’s kingdom follows Antichrist’s appearance (here described in personal rather than institutional terms), and destruction. The person has not yet appeared. This appears to make post- and a-millennial schemes identifying the Church with the Kingdom unfeasible. (2) The kingdom of Messiah here follows the Gentile kingdoms; it is at no time contemporary with them. It must, therefore, be still future. (3) The kingdom of Christ succeeds a final form of Gentile dominion which has not yet appeared. (4) The Messianic kingdom is external in aspect here, not a kingdom in men’s hearts, as Church-Kingdom theology require. (5) This kingdom is in some sense Israelitish (cf. Dan 7:7; Dan 7:22; Dan 7:25; Dan 7:27 with Dan 8:24). The ’saints’ or holy people referred to here are Israel and no other. The Church is not a Jewish kingdom." [Note: Culver, "Daniel," p. 791.]
Comparisons between Daniel 2, 7
Daniel 2
Daniel 7
Nebuchadnezzar’s image
The four beasts
Given to Nebuchadnezzar
Given to Daniel
4 kingdoms + 1 in view
4 kingdoms + 1 in view
A 4-part image + a stone
4 beasts + the Son of Man
More general
More detailed
Daniel interpreted it.
An angel interpreted it.
Man’s viewpoint
God’s viewpoint
Fuente: Whedon’s Commentary on the Old and New Testaments
Fuente: Commentary Series on the Bible by Peter Pett
1. The four winds strove upon the great sea, and the effect of such a furious storm must needs be the most violent agitation. This sea is either Asia or the whole world with its inhabitants, the winds the monarchs of the earth contending for mastery, and filling it with violence and confusion.
2. From this foaming ocean came up four great beasts, in figure different from each other, representing the four great monarchies, and the different genius of the people by whom they were erected.
[1.] The first was like a lion, which was the Babylonish monarchy, strong and despotic; and had eagles’ wings, intimating the rapidity of Nebuchadnezzar’s conquests; but the wings were soon plucked, with which it was lifted up from the earth; for under his successors the empire began to be dismembered and weakened; they lost their courage and intrepidity, and the lion’s heart was changed into a man’s.
1. An awful judge makes his appearance. I beheld till the thrones were cast down; all these monarchies successively overturned: or it may be read till the thrones were set up; the thrones of judgment, the thrones of God and the Lamb: and this may point either at his providential judgments on all the enemies of his church in this world, or his final and eternal judgment at the great day of his appearing and glory. And the Ancient of days did sit; God the Father, the judge of all: his garment was white as snow, denoting his perfect righteousness, and that his bosom is the seat of justice; and the hair of his head like the pure wool, venerable and majestic: his throne was like the fiery flame, and his wheels as burning fire; so piercing his scrutiny; so swift the execution of his sentence, and so terrible his wrath: a fiery stream issued and came forth from before him, to consume his adversaries; thousand thousands ministered unto him, angels and archangels; and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him, waiting from his lips their eternal doom. The judgment was set, the court ready to hear and determine; and the books were opened, the book of revelation, the book of omniscience, the book of conscience, in allusion to proceedings in courts of human judicature.
1. That the four beasts are four kings, or kingdoms, which should arise out of the earth, and, springing from the dust, should return thither again: but a fifth should succeed them, of heavenly original, and endure for ever and ever; as he more fully afterwards explains.
2. As Daniel was most solicitous to have a fuller explication of the meaning of the fourth beast, which seemed the fiercest of them all, and of the ten horns, and the little horn that sprung up afterwards, which had eyes, and a mouth that spake great things, and his look was more stout than his fellows; which made war against the saints of the most High, and prevailed, till the Ancient of days came, vindicated their cause, and slew their adversary; the angel informs him, that this terrible beast is the fourth kingdom, meaning, I doubt not, the Roman monarchy, to which the characters given seem most exactly to agree. It was diverse from all the other kingdoms in its form of government; it trod down and devoured the whole earth, by long and bloody wars subduing the nations which refused to submit. The ten horns are ten kings, or kingdoms, which arose on the decline of the empire, when the Huns, Goths, Alans, and other northern nations, successively dismembered the empire, and erected these ten separate kingdoms: and though learned interpreters reckon differently, they agree in the grand points, that these ten kingdoms were erected by them, and here represented by the ten horns. The little horn is the papal power, arising to its height after this division of the empire, speaking great things, pretending to be Christ’s vicar upon earth, and assuming the incommunicable prerogatives of the most High; and in look more stout than his fellows, the head of that power assuming authority, not only over all his fellow-bishops, but over all kings and princes. He is diverse from the other monarchs, having the ecclesiastical as well as civil dominion, and ruling over the consciences as well as persons of his subjects. He shall subdue three kings. See the annotations. And he shall speak great words against the most High, the words of blasphemy, affecting such authority and spiritual powers as if he was God upon earth. By wars and persecutions, and inquisitorial dungeons, he shall wear out the saints of the most High, endeavouring to weary out their patience and bring them under his yoke; and he shall think to change times and laws, affecting to depose and set up kings at his pleasure, to alter the constitution of kingdoms, consecrating particular times and seasons, dispensing with the laws of God and man, and binding his own upon the consciences of men: and they shall be given into his hand; he shall for a while succeed in his usurpations; until a time and times, and the dividing of time; three years and a half; the same with the 1260 days, and the forty-two months, Rev 11:2-3; Rev 12:14; Rev 13:5 during which the tyranny of Antichrist shall more or less prevail. But God will at last judge this persecuting power, and utterly destroy it, setting up on its ruins the kingdom of his Christ, whose people shall then reign with him, enjoying freely all privileges and ordinances without disturbance, and seeing all their enemies made their footstool. And this some refer to a temporal reign of the saints upon earth, under Christ their head; others to the reign of grace in the souls of the faithful redeemed, and the universal spread of the Gospel in the world at the latter day; others to the kingdom of the Redeemer in heaven, when, after the last judgment, his saints shall reign with him in glory everlasting. In whichever sense it be taken, the prospect is truly glorious, and suited to support the faith, the patience, and constancy of his people, even in the darkest times.
Fuente: Commentary on the Holy Bible by Thomas Coke
Fuente: Hawker’s Poor Man’s Commentary (Old and New Testaments)
Fuente: John Trapp’s Complete Commentary (Old and New Testaments)
Fuente: You Can Understand the Bible: Study Guide Commentary Series by Bob Utley
Fuente: Companion Bible Notes, Appendices and Graphics
Fuente: Old and New Testaments Restoration Commentary
Fuente: The Treasury of Scripture Knowledge
Fuente: Combined Bible Commentary
Fuente: Joseph Bensons Commentary on the Old and New Testaments
Fuente: Geneva Bible Notes
Fuente: Expository Notes of Dr. Constable (Old and New Testaments)