David E. Graves
Scott Stripling
Introduction
There are limited resources available to those wanting to link sites mentioned in ancient sources with modern tells/talls in the Levant. The Byzantine Madaba Map, a masterpiece of Near Eastern geography, is often cited to lend weight to certain identifications. For Oswald Dilke, the mosaic map at Madaba is “probably the best known example of Byzantine cartography” (1987: 264). Discovered in the late 19th century in the mosaic floor of the Byzantine church1 in Madaba, Jordan, it is the oldest extant map of the Holy Land.
It no doubt preserves the location of sites from earlier eras; hence, it sheds light on the background of the Biblical periods. The mosaic dates to the middle of the sixth century AD and highlights life in the region at the height of the Byzantine period (AD 325–638). Unfortunately, the outer edges of the map are missing, including one prominent site on the upper left edge above the Jordan River and Bethany beyond the Jordan.2 There have been several attempts to identify this site, but, in our view, they have failed. The proper identification of this site is the focus of this article.
Madaba Church (Madaba, Jordan). The Greek Orthodox Basilica of Saint George is situated in modern day Madaba, the fifth largest city in Jordan, just southwest of the capital Amman. The Madaba Map is now preserved in this church although the mosaic was originally discovered as part of the ruins of a Byzantine church built during the reign of emperor Justinian, AD 527–565.
David E. Graves
BSpade 20:2 (Spring 2007) p. 36
David E. Graves
Unnamed Site (Madaba Map). Site Two, the unnamed site on the Madaba Map, which is believed by the authors to be Tall el-Hammam. Notice the five date palm trees that indicate an ample water supply.
Unnamed Site
On the Madaba Map each city is portrayed by a stylized vignette and is accompanied by its name. However, for this city only the vignette remains.3 Since the site is not labelled, the identification of this city has been open to question. The fact that various suggestions have been made with little support, other than personal preference and subjective arguments, merits further investigation and research.
Site Location Critical
The most important criterion for its identification is the location on the map. The unnamed site (hereafter referred to as Site Two) on the Madaba Map is tucked away in the upper right corner of the Jordan Valley just northeast of the Dead Sea.
The site stands alone, with no other sites identified between it and the Wadi al-Zarqa Ma‘in on the right (Avi-Yonah 1954: 37). It is our opinion that this site is none other than Tall el-Hammam. Whatever the identity of the site, Tall el-Hammam (long. 31°51’ N; Lat. 35°40’ E) was prominent in ancient and Byzantine times and had religious significance.
The fact that Tall el-Hammam is the largest site4 in the southern Jordan Valley argues for it as a leading candidate. We believe that the location of the site is precisely where the Madaba Map locates it. One proof of this is that when one stands on Tall el-Hammam and looks across the Jordan Valley, Jericho is found right where it is on the Madaba Map. Is this merely a coincidence?
Process of Elimination
Over the past few years, we have read and analyzed everything we could get our hands on regarding the archaeological sites on the east side of the Jordan River between the Dead Sea and the Jabbok River. Furthermore, we have walked, sherded, and photographed them, and in the case of Tall el-Hammam, even excavated for two seasons
David E. Graves
Madaba Map (Jordan). Portion of the Madaba Map north of the Dead Sea. Notice the Jordan River with the two fish swimming toward each other, one heading toward the Dead Sea and the other trying to escape the salt water of the Dead Sea. Above the Jordan River is the Baptism site of John, and to the left of the gazelle is the unnamed Site One. Just above the gazelle and to the right is Site Two, which is believed to be Tall el-Hammam. At the bottom of the photo is seen the large city of Jericho. The unnamed Site Two is directly across from Jericho, suggesting its identification as the site of Tall el-Hammam.
BSpade 20:2 (Spring 2007) p. 37
David E. Graves
Tall Kefrein (Jordan), looking west. In the center of the picture is the location of Tall Kefrein, believed by some to be the site of the unnamed Site Two on the Madaba Map. However, the site is too small when compared with Tall el-Hammam in the foreground, which is over a mile long.
with the Tall el-Hammam Excavation Project, directed by Dr. Steven Collins (Trinity Southwest University). I think it is safe to say that we have a strong grasp on the size and occupational histories of these sites. By the process of elimination, we should be able to find, with a high degree of probability, what the Madaba Mosaicist had in mind for the site in question. Here is the list of candidate sites, 14 altogether:
Tall el-Azemiah
Khirbet Kefrein
Tall Bleibel
Tall Kefrein
Tall Ghannam
Tall Mustah
Teleilet Ghassul
Tall Nimrin
Tall Ghrubba
Tall Rama
Tall el-Hammam
Tall Sahl es-Sarabet
Tall Iktanu
Khirbet Sweimeh
David E. Graves
Tall el-Hammam (Jordan), looking west. Tall Kefrein is dwarfed in the distance by the long prominent site of Tall el-Hammam. It is over 150 ft (946 m) high and 1 mi (1.6 km) long. It is also the furthest site east in the Jordan Valley. This photo was taken from the Roman ruins that overlook the Jordan Valley. The remains of five Roman cisterns are visible in the foreground. They stand on top of the mountains rising up from the Jordan Valley. The water supply was connected to the site in Roman times by an aqueduct that ran across the modern road. There was also a Roman fortification on the tip of Hammam, likely as a defensive installation to guard the spring below and to keep watch on the north side of the tall.
BSpade 20:2 (Spring 2007) p. 38
Michael Luddeni
Lower Spring (Tall el-Hammam, Jordan). This ancient spring is still producing irrigation for the banana plantations around the lower Early Bronze Age level.
David E. Graves
Upper Spring (Tall el-Hammam, Jordan). This large spring is still used today to pump water for the irrigation of the local agriculture. It is at the foot of the Roman ruins on the hill above Tall el-Hammam.
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Michael Luddeni
Roman Building (Tall el-Hammam, Jordan). This Roman building has not been excavated as yet, but the massive Roman stones and concrete along with Roman pottery indicate that this was a Roman site not far from the lower spring, which resides on the Early Bronze Age level of the tall. David Graves is seen holding a large piece of Byzantine pottery.
Teleilet Ghassul (a large and well-known site) and Tall Ghrubba were only occupied during the Chalcolithic Age, and Tall Sahl es-Sarabet only has Islamic remains. That leaves 11 candidates. Eight of the remaining sites are very small; hence, they are not serious contenders to be the unnamed site on the Madaba Map. The three remaining sites are Tall el-Hammam, Tall Iktanu, and Tall Nimrin. Tall Iktanu is larger than the small sites eliminated already, but it is not nearly the size of Tall el-Hammam and Tall Nimrin.
Also, Tall Iktanu is closer to the Dead Sea than the other sites and would not fit proportionally on the map. Tall Iktanu does not make the cut. Further, Kay Prag, the excavator of Tall Iktanu, states that there was no Roman or Byzantine occupation there (1965). That leaves Tall el-Hammam and Tall Nimrin. Since there are only two unnamed sites on the Madaba Map (due to damage), it seems clear that the northern site is Tall Nimrin, and that the southern site is Tall el-Hammam. The two sites are about 5 mi (8 km) apart. If there is a flaw in our reasoning, we welcome further input. James Flanagan, the excavator of Tall Nimrin, has, in fact, recognized that Tall Nimrin is likely the northern site on the Madaba Map (Flanagan and McCreery 2004). Avi-Yonah and Eugenio Alliata also identify Site One as Tall Nimrin (Avi-Yonah 1954: 37; Alliata 1998: 54). By a process of elimination, it seems clear that the southern site, Site Two, is Tall el-Hammam.
Identifiable Features
The identifiable features of the portion of the Madaba Map in question include date palm trees,5 hot springs, and its proximity to the Jordan River and the Dead Sea. The indication of date palms is significant because, according to Diodorus Siculus (Bibl. Hist. 2.48–49), around the Dead Sea “the land is good for growing palms, wherever it happens to be crossed by rivers with usable water, or to be endowed with springs that can irrigate it” (cf. Theophrastus Pot. Hist. 2.5; Pliny Nat. Hist. 5.9, 17; Tacitus Hist. 5.6). Such a supply of fresh water exists at Tall el-Hammam. The Madaba Map identifies two thermal springs at Baaras (Josephus Jewish War 7:180, 189; Eusebius [Taylor 2003: 117]) and Kallirrhoë (Josephus Antiquity 17:171; Jewish War 1:657; Pliny Nat. Hist. 5:16) on the opposite (south) side of the Wadi Zarqa Ma’in (Donner 1999: 39). From the five date
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David E. Graves
Roman Ruins (across from Tall el-Hammam, Jordan). The plastered walls of a water channel which connected to the aqueduct leading over to Tall el-Hammam. These channels ran between each of the five cisterns.
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David E. Graves
Hot Springs. Portion of the Madaba Map north of the Dead Sea showing Site Two beside the two thermal springs at Baaras and Kallirrhoë on the opposite (south) side of the Wadi Zarqa Ma’in.
palms in the mosaic it would be reasonable to expect springs or thermal springs around Site Two. Tall el-Hammam has two springs, and the word hammam in Arabic actually means “spring” or “watersource.” One is found around the base of the upper tall in the Early Bronze Age area, among Roman ruins. The second spring location is across the modern road at the foot of a Roman fortification, on a hill where at least five cisterns are identified.6 The Roman ruins have been surveyed, but not excavated. The Madaba Map identifies five palm trees on Site Two with two trees on the right and three on the left. This would indicate a well-watered region consistent with the finds of two springs and the proximity of the Wadi Kefrein.7
Byzantine Prominence of Site
The vignette on the map represents two towers that appear to frame a “church” or other major structure with a roof and series of windows. There appear to have been Byzantine or Early Roman ruins on this site during the construction of the Mosaic. Obviously Site Two was known to the mosaicist during the Byzantine period. This being the case, it would be reasonable to assume that one should find some significant presence of occupation during or immediately preceding the Byzantine period.
To date, no remnants of major Byzantine structures have been found at Tall el-Hammam,8 but during the 2007 excavations a small amount of Byzantine pottery was discovered near the first spring, in the region of the lower tall around the Roman ruins and massive Early Bronze Age remains (Collins et al. 2007: 15).
Further excavations may reveal a significant Byzantine and/or Late Roman presence. If so, this would confirm the presence of Byzantine/Roman structures consistent with the Madaba Map. We hope to execute a probe of this area in the 2008 excavation season.
Eusebius Pamphili, the bishop of Caesarea in Palestine (AD 275–339), wrote a four-part geographical work called Onomasticon (AD 330). Eusebius’ Greek text introduces the Onomasticon with the words “On the Names of Places in Sacred Scripture” (Taylor 2003: 5). In short, it is a geographical dictionary of the Holy Land. The identification of wadies, mountains, and other geographical features makes this a valuable asset when determining ancient locations. Some argue as well that
Tall Nimrin? (Madaba Map, Jordan). Site One has been identified as Tall Nimrin, to the left of Site Two which would be the logical site for Tall el- Hammam.
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Bible and Spade 20.2 (2007) 41
David E. Graves
Upper Spring (Tall el-Hammam, Jordan). The brown pipe at the bottom of the picture is the upper spring. The spring is seen between the Roman ruins (where the photo was taken) and Tall el-Hammam.
the Madaba Map was strongly dependent on the Onomasticon. However, C. Umhau Wolf points out that there is no direct correlation between the terminology used in the Onomasticon and the size of the locations.
All the large walled cities with towers behind on the Madaba Map are called “city,” “large city,” “famous city,” “metropolis” by Eusebius. For the smaller cities with only a front wall and four or five towers and for the larger villages with three or four towers connected by a wall, there is no consistent correlation with the Onomasticon’s terminology. (Nor is there any consistency in the various strata of the Onomasticon that can be checked out in the present state of textual criticism and archaeological research.) Both Beersheba and Ekron are called “large town” but are different as depicted on the map. Does this imply Ekron had declined in the intervening centuries? Bethzur and Bethel are both simply villages in Eusebius, but Bethzur is a large town on the map while Bethel is small, having only two towers and the connecting wall. Does this accurately record the changed fortunes? (Wolf 2004)
Therefore, the correlation between Eusebius and the Madaba Map may not be as helpful as first thought. Just because Livias (see below) is mentioned repeatedly in the Onomasticon (Taylor 2003: 16, 18, 32, 33, 142) does not automatically mean that it may be found on the Madaba Map.
Tall Nimrin’s Byzantine Occupation
The Tall Nimrin excavation report indicates that there was a small Byzantine occupation here, evident by some walls and plastered floors.
Few ceramics were recovered from the Hellenistic era and no associated architecture. Likewise, no architectural remains can be dated to the Roman period. This may be explained by modern bulldozing and development which have destroyed or removed the remains. Some Roman and Byzantine ceramics were found in several fill layers, but they were mixed with Persian and Iron materials because Roman/Byzantine pits had been dug into the earlier levels. A few walls and plastered floors can be dated to the Byzantine period (Flanagan and McCreery 2004; see also Taylor 2003, 121).
The mosaic floor of a Byzantine church was discovered in 1980 during the construction of a house on the northwestern slope of the tall. The mosaic pavement was excavated by Michele Piccirillo.
In his 1982 report, Piccirillo reported a Byzantine church with a central and two side naves, which together measured 18.45 m x 13.52 m. The church had been in use for more than two centuries from the 6th century C.E. through the 7th and 8th centuries and into the Umayyad Period (Flanagan and McCreery 2004).
Also, during the 1993 season, a horde of Byzantine coins was discovered from the reigns of emperors Valens, Valentinianus I, Leo, Zeno, Basciliscus, and Anastasius, from the middle of the fourth century to the early sixth century AD (Flanagan and McCreery 2004). Schick, Flanagan, and McCreery identify Tall Nimrin on the Madaba Map as the other unnamed Site One, beside the unnamed Site Two, which we are identifying as Tall el-Hammam (Flanagan and McCreery 2004; Schick 1999: 228). In our opinion, they are correct in their evaluation.
BSpade 20:2 (Spring 2007) p. 43
Tall Iktanu’s Byzantine Occupation
Kay Prag gives the history of the excavations at Tall Iktanu from the first exploration by Selah Merrill in 1871 through the 1920’s and 30’s by A. Mallon. She notes that it was
included in field surveys by Nelson Glueck in 1943, by Kay Wright (Prag) in 1965, and by M. Ibrahim, K. Yassine and J. Sauer in 1976. Excavations were directed by Kay Prag in 1966 on behalf of the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem and in 1987, 1989 and 1990 on behalf of the British Institute at Amman for Archaeology and History. The north hill was occupied in the Early Bronze IB, Intermediate Early Bronze-Middle Bronze Age, Late Bronze, Iron Age and Persian periods. The south hill was partly occupied in the Early Bronze IB and very extensively in the Intermediate Early Bronze-Middle Bronze Age. There are occasional Roman, Byzantine, medieval, Ottoman and modern sherds on the site, but no evidence for occupation at these periods (1965).9
So while some Roman or Byzantine pottery has been found on the site, Prag maintains that there was no Roman or Byzantine settlement. Therefore, as previously mentioned, Tall Iktanu is not a viable candidate. Besides, it is far too small for the site on the Madaba Map.
Taylor also comments on the occupation at Tall Iktanu. She states that
Tell Iktanu is an excavated site at which a single occupation, an extensive and well planned settlement of the Middle Bronze I (EB-MB, EB IV) culture was revealed. Aharoni’s identification [of Tall Iktanu as Livias] is, therefore, extremely unlikely (2003: 142).
She is clear that there is no Roman or Byzantine occupation.
Not Consistently Identified
The prominent works on the Madaba Map identify the unnamed Site Two with various possibilities. In 1954 Michael Avi-Yonah, in his book The Madaba Mosaic Map, identified Site Two as Beth-jeshimoth (Khirbet Suweime) and Site One as Khirbet Kefrein10 or Tell Rama:
Across the Jordan and opposite Galgala we notice above the gazelle the fragmentary representation of a locality, with the trunks of two palm trees to the right [Site One]. To judge from its position on the map this might refer either to Abel (Khirbet el Kafrein) or to Livias-Bethramtha (Tell er-Rama). Another equally nameless village [Site Two] is situated between this place and the Dead Sea. If the latter is meant to represent Beth-jeshimoth (Onomasticon 48:7), then the northern village would be Beth-ramtha, and Abel might have been located in the lost part of the pavement further to the northeast. Possibly, however, Abel was not represented at all. Eusebius mentioned Beth-ramtha (Livias) seven times (Onomasticon 48:13–15), while he mentions Abel but does not locate it (1954: 37).
Later Avi-Yonah states,
Above it ([Aenon-Sapsaphas and another shrub] i.e. eastwards) stands a biggish village surrounded by palm trees; as suggested above its most likely identification is with Beth-jeshimoth (Khirbet Suweime) (cf. Glueck 1943: 13–18; [Bethasimouth] Taylor 2003: 121).
In Herbert Donner’s 1992 book The Mosaic Map of Madaba, he identifies Site Two with Livias, Tall Iktanu, and Tall Rama:
The Old Testament town was called Beth-Haram, later on, under the Roman emperor Augustus, it was called Livias or Julias. It is identical with Tall Iktanu and the small but remarkable Tall ar-Rama.11 It appears to be situated at the upper course of Wadi Zarqa Ma’in which runs into the Dead Sea after its turn (1992: 39).
Alliata, in an article on the identification of the sites in The Madaba Map Centenary, identifies Site Two with Betharam (Jos 13:27) or Bethramphtha, now Livias or Tell al-Ramah (1997: 54; Eusebius Onomasticon 48:14–15).
Robert Schick, in an article on northern Jordan in The Madaba Map Centenary, proposes Beth Jeshimoth (Suweima) as Site Two:
Small portions of two other unlabelled city vignettes survive. A variety of suggestions have been made for their identification. The city vignette above the gazelle to the left [Site One] could be Abel (Khirbat al-Kafrein) or Livias/Beth-Ramtha (Tell Rama), or perhaps Beth Nimrin (Tell Nimrin), while the city vignette above the gazelle to the right [Site Two] could be Beth Jeshimoth (Suweima) (1999: 228).
As we have proven earlier, only Tall Nimrin and Tall el-Hammam are logical candidates for these sites.
Livias
Donner identifies Site Two as Livias or Tell Rama (Beth-Ramtha, Betharam [Jos 13:27], a city of the tribe of Gad near the Jordan, known to the Syrians as Bethramphtha). The name of the site was changed by Herod to honor Augustus (Eusebius Onomasticon 48:14–15 [ca. AD 330]; Avi-Yonah 1954: 37; Donner 1992: 39; (1999: 228). However, there is no evidence directly linking the unnamed Madaba Map site and Livias, other than general speculation and the fact that Eusebius mentioned Livias in his writings seven times. While
it is the commonly accepted view among scholars that the Madaba Map depends heavily on Eusebius’ gazetteer of Biblical places, the Onomastikon…it is al [sic; at] least conceivable that, rather than the Madaba Map mechanically depending on the Onomastikon, both the Onomastikon and the prototype of the map may have derived from a common cultural lore (Di Segni 2007).
Of course, just because Eusebius is aware of Livias, it does not mean that this site is Livias. However, if Tall el-Hammam
BSpade 20:2 (Spring 2007) p. 44
David E. Graves
View of Tall el-Hammam from Mount Nebo. This would have been the view that Egeria had when she identified Livias from Mount Nebo. Notice also the Kefrein Dam to the right of Tall el-Hammam.
were proven to be Livias, this would not hurt our argument in the least.12
Beth Jeshimoth (Suweima)
Both Avi-Yonah and Schick identify Site Two with Beth Jeshimoth (Suweima or Suwaymah). Numbers 33:49 tells us that “There on the plains of Moab they camped along the Jordan from Beth Jeshimoth to Abel Shittim.” This was one of the borders for Sihon king of the Amorites (Jos 12:2–3) and is described as a Moabite frontier town in Ezekiel 25:9. The modern town of Suwaymah is much too far south on the Dead Sea to be identified with Site Two. If Beth Jeshimoth is identified with modern day Suweima or Suwaymah ([Bethasimouth] Taylor 2003: 121), which appears likely to us, then it is certainly not Site Two.
Conclusion
Tall el-Hammam has flourished throughout history because of its defensibility, abundant water, and proximity to the Kings’ Highway, a major trade route linking Egypt and Mesopotamia. Tall el-Hammam is likely the Shittim of the Late Bronze Age (Beecher 1949: 7; Harrison 1983: 413), where the Israelites encamped before entering Canaan (Num 33:49; Jos 2:1; 3:1). Furthermore, the huge Iron II city at Tall el-Hammam may prove to have been one of Solomon’s 12 administrative centers. Perhaps it was also the Livias of New Testament times. If our argument is valid, that Tall el-Hammam is the unidentified site two on the Madaba Map, then we have just placed several important cities and sites on the map—the Madaba Map.
BSpade 20:2 (Spring 2007) p. 45
Bibliography
Alliata, Eugenio
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Avi-Yonah, Michael
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Beecher, Willis J.
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Collins, Steven; Byers, Gary A.; Luddeni, Michael; and Moore, John W.
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